Tuesday, February 10, 2026

"STOP WITH PENDRAGON AND THE DRACO, ALREADY!"

                     A Draco's Head

The title used for this brief blog is an exact quote from the author. It is meant to evoke his frustration over the continued misuse of the epithet Pendragon by Arthurians who ought, by now, to know better.

Simply put, Pendragon does not mean "dragon's head."  As pointed out by the Welsh scholars who really know and understand the language of poetic metaphor, Pendragon is properly rendered as either "Chief Warrior" or "Chief of Warriors." 

Here is the authoritative treatment of Uther's epithet, from the late great Rachel Bromwich (note to her TRIADS):


A related misconception also needs to be addressed (for the thousandth time!): while the Sarmatians may well have possessed their own version of a draco, there is absolutely no evidence that such was the case.




I once challenged Dr. Linda A. Malcor, the leading champion of the bogus connection between the Pendragon epithet and the Roman draco, to produce a single, viable piece of evidence, textual or archaeological, to support her contention. The result of the challenge?

She failed to produce anything. And then went right on persisting in her futile attempts to make everything Arthurian Sarmatian.

This blog is my last word on the subject of the draco standard. The Uther Pendragon name/epithet translates as "terrible chief warrior/chief of warriors". As it happens, Uther does not even designate a real historical entity, but was concocted by Geoffrey of Monmouth or his source from the Irish story of the mil uathmar/"terrible warrior" brought forward (chend, cognate with W. pen) by the English against Aedan of Dalriada at Degsastan (see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2017/10/degsastan-and-origin-of-mil-uathmarfer.html?m=1). 

[There might be a curious sort of middle ground for an Uther Pendragon and the draco, of course. I pointed out years ago that Pendragon, if taken more literally, matched perfectly the late Roman rank (found only in the eastern Empire, however!) of magister draconum, the head of the draconarii. And I once very tentatively hypothesized that a ruler residing at Birdoswald, where the draco-loving Dacians were long garrisoned, might have been referred to as the Chief Dragon. This was based on my identification of the Banna fort as the "Aelian dragon" of the Ilam pan, a nickname for the place where the Dacian draco was held in special reverence. This idea was considered plausible by historians, epigraphers and archaeologists. Had the Chief Dragon been a title for the ruler at Birdoswald, he may have been fancifully identified with the mil uathmar of the Irish tale.] 

Geoffrey or his source then genealogically linked this purely fictional father of Arthur to a fusion of identically named 4th and 5th century Roman emperors (see 

CONCLUDING STATEMENT:

The Romans adopted the draco standard in the 2nd century. So far as we know, it continued to be used throughout the Roman era. If we must associate a 6th century Arthur in some way with dragons, we can only point to the later Roman draco standard.

Or we can opt (see the two serpents on Arthur's sword in CULHWCH AC OLWEN) for linking our hero instead to the dragons of Dinas Emrys, which are of an entirely different nature.

The Sarmatians are not the prototype for the Arthurian knights. Not only can't we associate a Sarmatian draco with Uther Pendragon, the notion that cataphracts somehow contributed to the development of the heavily armored, late medieval knight is absurd. Students of medieval romance literature, when encountering the same kind of knights in the Charlemagne and Alexander the Great cycles, for example, recognize that the characters of these stories were merely dressed up in the fashion of the day.  They are not reflections of 2nd century Sarmatian cavalrymen in Roman Britain.

If L. Artorius Castus had utilized his legionary forces in Britain, Sarmatian auxiliaries may have been attached to those forces for special purposes. But they would have had their own commander. It is simply a lie that Castus specifically, directly commanded Sarmatian cavalry. Had he done so, he would have included that particular function on his memorial stone.

He did not do so.

And with that I rest my case.



Sunday, February 1, 2026

WHY IT'S A "NO" FOR A GORLOIS ON THE CLYDE

              The Roaches, Cheshire

Just the other day I got rather excited about a possible solution to the Arthur problem:


But, I'd neglected three important points in reaching the very tentative conclusion for the piece. When I went back to read this blog entry -


- which contained my previous identification for Mt. Damen, I remembered that A) Uther had reached the hill as darkness fell on the same day as the retreat from York B) the hill was not described as a fort or royal center, but as a wild place and C) The Roaches at the headwaters of the River Dane/Dauen were within what had been the eastern reaches of the Roman period Cornovii kingdom.

As Gorlois of Cornwall (w. CERNYW, the same word found in the Cornovii tribal name) first appears at Mt. Damen, the reason for his doing so would be because his being duke of Cornwall had caused him to be placed in the land of the Cornovii.

Now before anyone gets too excited about that, let me quickly say that we must not lose sight of the northern Arthurian battles and the dissemination of the Roman name from a northern British source to the Dalriadans.

In other words, Geoffrey's placing of Gorlois in the Cornovii border region is just another example of the author's creative genius. It is not an instance of the preservation of a genuine historical tradition.

Readers who go over my earlier pieces on the subject of Uther's battles in the North will also note Geoffrey places a saint of the Vale of Clwyd at Alclud. Dr. Andrew Breeze has pointed out to me the Arclid town in Cheshire, whose name he compares to Arecluta in the North. As it happens, Arclid's little stream empties into the Wheelock, and the Wheelock is a major tributary of the River Dane of my original Mount Damen.

Once again, despite my best efforts, I cannot glean anything of value from the pages of THE HISTORY OF THE KINGS OF BRITAIN.

I find myself with the same two choices for Arthur I started out with some months ago - the only two historical candidates remaining to me:

1) L. Artorius Castus

or

2) A war-leader hailing from Petrianis on the Wall.

Over the remainder of this week I will closely at both with an eye to discovering something - anything! - that will help me decide between them.




Friday, January 30, 2026

HAVING OUR GRAIL AND DRINKING FROM IT, TOO: A 'GRAND UNIFYING' DARK AGE ARTHURIAN THEORY

Alclud, the Rock of Clyde

I have a confession to make...

For some time now I've had what feels like the perfect theory for a historical sub-Roman or Dark Age Arthur.  But I've been holding it back.  Well, at least the entirety of it, the pieced-together version.  

Why have I not revealed this to the world?

Because a linchpin of the argument relies on some material found in Geoffrey of Monmouth's HISTORY OF THE KINGS OF BRITAIN - a source I've long eschewed as nothing more than fabulous fiction without a shred of actual historical content.   And having to make use of such material, frankly, not only worries it, but scares me.  

And yet, I find myself sitting on this potential treasure chest while at the same time I feel like I've reached the end of my decades of research into things Arthurian.  All I have to do is unlock the chest and open it up for inspection of contents.

So with that caveat (read: huge qualifying statement) out of the way, here we go...

It all started when I took a third look at Uther's Mt. Damen battle as this was "recorded" in Geoffrey's HISTORY:


[Geoffrey's text:

From Geoffrey:

Chapter 18...

The Saxons behaved with great gallantry, and, having sustained the assaults of the
Britons, forced them to fly; and upon this advantage pursued them with
slaughter to the mountain Damen, which was as long as they could do it
with day-light. The mountain was high, and had a hazel-wood upon the
top of it, and about the middle broken and cavernous rocks, which were
a harbour to wild beasts. The Britons made up to it, and stayed there all
night among the rocks and hazel-bushes. But as it began to draw
towards day, Uther commanded the consuls and princes to be called
together, that he might consult with them in what manner to assault the
enemy. Whereupon they forthwith appeared before the king, who
commanded them to give their advice; and Gorlois, duke of Cornwall,
had orders to deliver his opinion first, out of regard to his years and
great experience. “There is no occasion,” said he, “for ceremonies or
speeches, while we see that it is still night: but there is for boldness and
courage, if you desire any longer enjoyment of your life and liberty. The
pagans are very numerous, and eager to fight, and we much inferior to
them in number; so that if we stay till daybreak, we cannot, in my
opinion, attack them to advantage. Come on, therefore, while we have
the favour of the night, let us go down in a close body, and surprise
them in their camp with a sudden assault. There can be no doubt of
success, if with one consent we fall upon them boldly, while they think
themselves secure, and have no expectation of our coming in such a manner.” The king and all that were present, were pleased with his
advice, and pursued it. For as soon as they were armed and placed in
their ranks, they made towards the enemies’ camp, designing a general
assault. But upon approaching to it, they were discovered by the watch,
who with sound of trumpet awaked their companions. The enemies
being hereupon put into confusion and astonishment, part of them
hastened towards the sea, and part ran up and down whithersoever their
fear or precipitation drove them. The Britons, finding their coming
discovered, hastened their march, and keeping still close together in their
ranks, assailed the camp; into which when they had found an entrance,
they ran with their drawn swords upon the enemy; who in this sudden
surprise made but a faint defence against their vigorous and regular
attack; and pursuing this blow with great eagerness they destroyed some
thousands of the pagans, took Octa and Eosa prisoners, and entirely
dispersed the Saxons.

Chapter 19. 
After this victory Uther repaired to the city of Alclud, where he
settled the affairs of that province, and restored peace everywhere.]

While my earlier attempts to locate Damen I had utilized an antiquarian's identification of the place, it occurred to me that there was another, more logical solution to the problem.  Uther supposedly retreats from a loss to the Saxons at York and ends up at Mt. Damen.  Gorlois, Duke of Cornwall, first shows up in story at this mountain. He gives advice to Uther and the Britons are victorius when they are besieged there by the enemy.  Uther next proceeds to Alclud, the Rock of Clyde, a volcanic plug fortress whose description nicely matches that supplied by Geoffrey for Damen itself.

What I asked myself at this juncture was whether Damen could stand for Damnii or similar.  In other words, known, attested variants for the Damnonii of Ptolemy.  If so, then Mount Damen in all likelihood was Alclud, the later Dùn Breatainn or Fort of the Britons, capital of the Damnonii (= Dumnonii) tribe.  This was the principal tribe of the Dark Age kingdom of Strathclyde.

If so, then the sudden appearance of Gorlois of Cornwall there might be significant.  Cornwall was in the region of the southern Damnonii (again, Dumnonii, hence Dumnonia). And Gorlois, as I and others have long known, is a character created by Geoffrey of Monmouth out of the gorlassar epithet Uther uses of himself in the MARWNAT VTHYR PEN.

Hence, two things become possible.  Either Geoffrey has confused Uther's/Gorlois's southern Damnonii for the northern Damnonii or vice-versa, i.e. Uther/Gorlois originally belonged in Strathclyde at Alclud and was only transferred in story to the southern Dumnonian kingdom.

As it happens, Uther as a chieftain centered at Alclud is something I had also proposed:






The idea was really quite simple: Uther Pendragon was a Welsh rendering of the crudelisque tyranni title given by Irish sources to Ceredig Wledig, king of Strathclyde at Aloo/Alclud at exactly the right time to fit Uther's floruit.  Such an identification would allow us to demonstrate how the Arthur name came to be adopted into the Dalriadan royal family.  For Aedan of Dalriada (father or grandfather of an Arthur) had taken to wife the niece of a British king.  Their daughter was Maithgemma, an Irish word for 'bear.'  It would not be unreasonable to suppose that they also had a son and this time a British name that was thought to be derived from the British word for bear - Arthur - was chosen.

From there the later Arthurs in Kintyre derived their names and we could even - finally! - account for how an Arthur ended up in the Irish-descended Dyfed dynasty.  The father of this Arthur was named Petrus, and the original Arthur, a son of Ceredig who did not live long enough to succeed his father, hailed from Alclud, the Petra Cloithe of Adamnan.  

But this wasn't all.  We could even account for Geoffrey's Arthurian birth tale, which drew heavily on the Irish Mongan birth tale (the same Mongan later killed by Arthur son of Bicoir of Kintyre).  I have elsewhere suggested that Uther might have his origin in that tale's mil uathmar (+ chend), as Uther's transformation into Gorlois was copied from Manannan's transformation into Fiachra.  Igerna was merely a truncated form of Mongan's mother, Caintigerna.  

Here is the cool thing, though: if we allow for Uther Pendragon to be the historical king of Alclud, Ceredig Wledig, who was referred to as the cruel tyrant, then that man may have been identified for story-telling purposes with the mil uathmar by Geoffrey or his source.  We would no longer be restricted to the imaginary mil uathmar, himself conjured from a variant of the Degastan place-name.  

And what would this mean for the Arthurian battles, as I have laid them out?

Well, it works very well indeed.  We know that after Arthur's time, the Strathclyde king Rhydderch fought alongside other British kings, including the great Urien, against the Saxons.  If Rhydderch could be fighting Saxons, then so, too, might a Strathclyde Arthur have been.  If such an Arthur were the most powerful war-leader of his time, he may well have fought up and down Dere Street and into Highland Scotland and even as far south as Buxton (Badon).  He might even have fought a last battle at Camboglanna on Hadrian's Wall.

Of course, if we except an Arthur from Alclud in the 6th century, we cannot account for how the name got there.  It seems more than a strain to point once more to the 2nd or 3rd century L. Artorius Castus.  More important, perhaps, is that a possible pairing with the name Maithgemma would suggest rather strongly that the Britons (and the Irish) connected it with the native word for 'bear.' 

The Welsh and Arthur sources are quite clear in making Ceredig Wledig a king of 'Aloo', i.e. Alclud.  Given the rock and Petrus/Petra connection, it is tempting to wonder of this is correct or if instead Ceredig might properly belong at Petrianis (named for a Petra) at the end of Hadrian's Wall.  Could Petra Cloithe be a mistake for Stanwix/Uxellodunum?  

That is not a question, I think, that can be answered.  Sure, it's an interesting idea.  And it would fit in much better with Camboglanna, Aballava (Avalon?) and Congavata (Grail Castle?). Still, the HISTORIA BRITTONUM tells us Arthur was leading the kings of the Britons in their wars, so there is nothing unusual in his being present fighting on the Wall.  And it remains true that if Arthur came from Alclud, we can more easily account for his most northerly battles which otherwise I have ascribed to L. Artorius Castus and/or the Dalriadan Arthur.  Alclud was immediately adjacent to Dalriada: Petrianis is quite a distance from the home of Arthur son of Aedan.  

In closing, though, I will repeat my misgivings when it comes to adopting the above scenario as my final Arthurian theory.  We have to rely first on my identification of Mt. Damen with Alclud of the Damnonii, and we have to accept that Uther/Gorlois originally belonged there before he was situated at Tintagel.  These are two very big asks, and I would never expect others to make such a leap with me.  It is my job only to present a theory that seems to fulfill all necessary requirements.  What other people end up doing with it is entirely their decision.   

NOTE:

A discussion of the Damnonii/Dumnonii of the North in possible place-names follows, drawn from Alan James' excellent dictionary on Brittonic place-names. One of the studies he cites, likewise available online, is provided at the very bottom of this blog. A final study, by Dr. Andrew J. Breeze, is also listed, although I've not been able to access it. The author has kindly sent me the conclusion he reached regarding the Dumnonii name.


duβ[ï]n, *doμn, etc.
?IE *dhu-b- (zero-grade of *dheu-b- ‘deep’, see dṻβ and duβr) + -n- > eCelt *dubno-/ā-, also
*dumno-/ā-, > Br, Gaul *dubno-/ā-, *dumno-/ā- > OW(LL) duuin > MW dwvyn > W dwfn, dyfn,
OCorn dofen, duuen- > M-MnCorn down, M-MnBret doun, don; O-MIr domain > Ir, G domhain,
Mx dowin, also OIr domun > Ir, G domhan, ‘the world, the universe’; cf. Gmc *diupaz > OE
dēop, AScand *dēp (ON djúpr) > ‘deep’.
The Indo-European status and etymology of the root is controversial: see OIPrIE §18.2 at pp.
292-3. It may involve the verbal root *dheu- 'die, come to an end', see dīn.
Celtic forms vary in three ways:
i) non-nasal –b- > -β- versus nasal –m- > -μ-, see LHEB §97, pp. 483-6 especially p. 484 n3, and,
on Continental forms, DCCPN p. 18;
ii) vowel –u- in South-West and West Brittonic versus –o- in Pritenic (and possibly in the
‘Brit/Prit’ of the North): see Koch (1980-2);
iii) absence or presence of an adventitious vowel in the second syllable,
so the range of potential forms in the neoBrittonic of the Old North is expressed by the formula 121
An adjective meaning ‘deep’. It may have borne a cosmological significance in early Celtic
world-views, perhaps associated with cultic offerings to powers of the underworld: see PCB pp.
46-59, DCML pp. 170-1, Green (1986), pp. 138-50, and Woodward (1992), chapters 4 and 5.
It may have carried such connotations, or even have been a deity-name, in the ethnic name given
by Ptolemy as Damn[ón]ioi for which Rivet and Smith, PNRB pp. 342-4, read *Dumn-
(alternatively, as Koch points out, *Domn-). However, Isaac (2005), p. 191, argues for IE
*dṃ(h2)- (zero-grade of *demh2- ‘put together, build’) + -no-n-io- > eCelt damnonio-/ā-, cf.
Welsh defnydd and OIr damnae, both ‘matter, material’, so the name may mean ‘men of
substance’ or ‘builders’. See also P. Russell (2002) at p. 185. If the sites associated with them by
Ptolemy are a reliable guide, their territory extended from the lower Clyde basin across the
Campsies and central Forth as far as Strathallan (Ardoch) and Strathtay (Inchtuthil, if that was
Victoria): see Driscoll and Forsyth (2004) at pp. 4-11 and Fraser (2009) pp. 15-22.
Note that this occurs as an element in a personal name on the Yarrowkirk Slk stone:
DVMNOGENI (for the variant reading DIMNO-, see CIB p. 120).
a1) Wilkinson (2002), pp. 139-43, drew attention to a number of place-names in central Scotland
that apparently contain this element, though in monothematic (a1) forms, *dṻβ-on- is equally
possible. Any or all of them might contain a lost stream-name, presumably of the ‘Devon’ type
(see dṻβ, but note that the rivers discussed there could, conversely, belong here), but apart from
Devon Burn Lnk they do not have obvious associations with watercourses. Wilkinson’s
suggestion that they might be associated with the Damnonii (see above) is interesting but
speculative. They include:
Devon, with Devon Burn, Devonburn (a settlement), and Glendevon, Lnk (Lesmahagow): see
Taylor (2009) at pp. 87-8; for Glendevon WLo, see dṻβ.
Devonshaw Hill Lnk [+ OE sċeaġa > ME/Scots shaw ‘a wood’].
Devonside Lnk [+ OE –sīde . ‘side’].
The latter two are not apparently connected with Devon (Lesmahagow), see dṻβ and Wilkinson
(2002) at pp. 142-3. The modern form ‘Devon’ in all these cases probably reflects the influence
of the English county-name, itself from the ethnic name Dumnonii, PNRB pp. 342-3.
Dowanhill Lnk (Govan) [+ OE –hyll > ‘hill’]: possibly *doβ/μn here.
a2) Denis Burn Ntb (near Hexham), Bede’s Denisesburna .i. Rivus Denisi HE III.1, could be
*dubn-issā-, but see dṻβ (c1).
c2) Blendewing Pbl (Kilbucho) + blajn-.
Cardowan Lnk (Glasgow) + cajr-: another possible *doβ/μn form.
Dundyvan Lnk (Old Monkland) PNMonklands p. 11 ? + dīn-, Gaelicised, + -jo- causing double
i-affection giving *dïβïn: see Wilkinson (2002) at p. 140 and note.
Glendivan Dmf (Ewes) PNDmf p. 41 + glïnn-, similarly modified.
Poldevine Dmf (Wamphray) PNDmf p. 129 + *pol-.
Poldivan Lake Dmf (Closeburn) + *pol-: modified like Dundyvan above [+ OE -lacu, here
probably 'a stream', see EPNE2 p. 8].
A curious group of place-names across Lothian and Rnf are apparently of identical origin,
though the first element is not certain and the meaning of the name-phrase is obscure. If they are
*part[h]- + -duβ[ï]n, the formation may have been an appellative, perhaps a low-lying land or
land with deep soil, though the early form (probably for Parduvine MLo, see PNMLo p. 112)
Pardauarneburne 1144 suggests the second element may have been a stream-name, but
doubtfully duβ[ï]n; see CPNS pp. 372-3, PNMLo p. 112, and Wilkinson (2002) at p. 140 n7, and
also *part[h]-. They are:
Pardivan ELo (Whitecraig) CPNS pp. 372-3.
Pardivan MLo (Cranston) PNMLo p.190. 122
Pardovan WLo (Linlithgow) CPNS pp. 372-3, PNWLo p. 62, WLoPN p. 29.
Parduvine MLo (Carrington) CPNS pp. 372-3, PNMLo p.112
Perdovingishill Rnf (lost) CPNS p. 372, WLoPN p. 29 [+ OE –hyll > ‘hill’].

Nomina_25_Wilkinson.pdf https://share.google/E9pjfO5lAQQWxhV19 

Dumnonii and the place-name Devon
Breeze, Andrew C.. (2022 - 2023) - In: Devon and Cornwall notes and queries vol. 43 (2022/23) p. 55-59

"The conclusion is simple. DUMNONII is there related not to words meaning 'deep' but ones meaning 'world', which gives a sense 'great ones of the world', like that of the BITURIGES 'kings of the world' in central Gaul. It also knocks out a meaning 'deep god, mysterious god', as if all gods were not mysterious."


Thursday, January 29, 2026

THE CASE FOR "PETRIANIS" AS ARTHUR'S FORT ON HADRIAN'S WALL

"It is the first stone inscription to attest the ala Petriana at Stanwix..."

So, I just finished penning this piece -


- when I received several requests for additional information on Stanwix/Uxellodunum/"Petrianis".  This is rather ironic, as over the years I've actually written a great deal about the site.  

The real question is "Can we take an Arthurian origin at Petrianis seriously?"  Or is this tradition pertaining to Stanwix, traceable only as far back as the 1700s, just another instance of local legend?

Well, the first thing that strikes me as interesting is that we can't really explain "Arthuriburgum" based on the name Etterby, the village or farmstead of Etard.  I mean, we could get super creative at propose that this Norman French name, from (see Ekwall) OHN Eidhart) was at some point mistakenly assumed to derive from Aet (a common OE element preceding place-names meaning 'at') + Art + by. But our oldest forms for the Etter- portion of the name have Etard, Etarde, Ethard.  And it remains true that the Petrianis fort, while adjacent to Etterby (where there are some indications of a vicus for the fort), is actually sitting astride part of modern Stanwix.  Thus trying to claim that some antiquarian could have derived Arthur's fort from Etardby is, it seems to me, quite a stretch.

Could Etterby or Stanwix have been chosen because of its proximity to Carlisle?  After all, it is often identied with the Carduel first found in late Arthurian romance.  Well, no.  Why?  Because as I long ago demonstrated, Carduel is not Carlisle. [1]

Okay, then what about the sheer size of the fort?  I mean, it was the largest fort on Hadrian's Wall.  

That is a hard argument to maintain.  True, we don't know when the fort completely disappeared beneath the modern town. It is possible that its uniqueness was recognized and appreciated at some point and that this is why Arthur came to be associated with it.  A big hero needs a big fort, right?  Still, there are plenty of much more impressive sites in Cumbria, including native as opposed to Roman forts. If the local population needed an important ruling center for Arthur, why not pick Carlisle?  Why settle on Etterby?


Now, if there were a sun-Roman Arthur based at Petrianis who was a descendent of the Ala Petriana and he fought famously up and down the Dere Street frontier against the Germanic invaders, supported the kingdom of the Gododdin and ultimately won a great victory at Buxton/Badon, might not this leader of cavalry have lent his name to the horse-devoted peoples of Kintyre and Dyfed?  Is it conceivable that in order to emphasize their new "Britishness", the Irish infiltrators of those lands introduced the name Arthur into their royal families?

Obviously, we still have to grapple with the Arthur name problem.  But I don't think we need to make too big a deal out of it. We need only hypothesize that the Artorius name was preserved in the North, possibly stemming from L. Artorius Castus or through the medium of other Artorii in forts garrisoned by Dalmatians.  

Of course, choosing a Dark Age Arthur forces us to deal again with the frustrating lacuna of the Castus memorial stone: ARM[...]S.  But we are no longer forced to go with something like my proposed ARM[ATAS] GENTES, as the Dark Age man is the more famous fellow - not Castus.  The acceptable reading of ARMENIOS can continue to apply to the lacuna.  Castus would have been quite famous in Dalmatia after a successful stint in Armenia and if word of this reached the Dalmatians in Britain through whatever means we can allow for his name continuing in use there in some capacity. 

As I'm fairly confident in my Arthurian battle identifications, these are the two options available to us: Arthur = Castus or Arthur = Arthur.  In the latter case, we can have an actual death at Camlan, whereas is Castus is associated with the place we can only infer a battle and/or rebuilding (which we know was going on under Septimius Severus).  We can also retain Badon which, needless to say, Castus did not participate in.  Badon and Camlan were both identified with the Welsh as southern sites (Badbury Liddington and Afon Gamlan, respectfully), but Camboglanna fits the Arthurian battle list perfectly, and Badon strictly from a linguistic standpoint is the perfectly normal and expected British spelling of English bathum.  If we go with linguistics, then, Buxton is the better candidate for Badon.

In closing, I should mention the Arthur Penuchel of a corrupt Welsh TRIAD.  He may (or may not!) have something to so with a Northern Arthur with links to York and Rheged.  Here are some links to articles about him:




[1]

Carduel is said to be in Wales (Gales). However, it has long been customary to identify this site with Carlisle, the Roman Luguvalium, in Cumbria. The "d" of Carduel is said to be due to dissimilation of the first "l" of Carlisle (Welsh Caerliwelydd). I have always thought this linguistic argument to be highly questionable.

Carduel is also hard by the Red Knight's Forest of Quinqueroy and not far from the castle of Gornemont of Goort. Goort is here definitely Gower. Quinqueroy is Welsh gwyn plus caer, a slight error for Caerwent.

While Kerduel in Brittany is derived from Caer + Tudwall (information courtesy Jean-Yves le Moing, personal correspondence; cf. Caer Dathyl in Arfon, from Irish Tuathal = Welsh Tudwall, possibly Caer-fawr or Caernarfon, information courtesy Brian Lile of The National Library of Wales, citing Ifor Williams' Pedair Keinc Ymabinogi, 1951), I think Carduel (Car-dyou-EL) probably derives from Caer +d'iwl, Iwl (pronounced similar to English 'yule', according to Dr. David Thorne of the Welsh Department at Lampeter) being the Welsh form of Julius, the name Geoffrey used for Aaron's partner, St. Julian.

When Perceval first comes to Arthur's court, it is at Carduel; but when Arthur sets off after Perceval when the latter sends the Haughty Knight of the Moor to the court, the king leaves Caerleon. In between the king's placement at Carduel and Caerleon, Anguingueron and Clamadeu find Arthur at Dinas d'Aaron, the Fort of Aaron/Caerleon. In other words, Caerleon and Carduel are the same. Indeed, Anguingueron and the Haughty Knight are sent to Arthur's court by Perceval, who knows only that Arthur is at Carduel. This means that Dinas d'Aaron and Carduel have to be Caerleon








Saturday, January 24, 2026

STONES AND HORSES: REACHING A FINAL DECISION ON WHETHER ARTHUR IS A ROMAN SOLDIER OR A SUB-ROMAN BRITON

[Dedicated to my friend Tony Sullivan (who urged me to reconsider my Sub-Roman Arthur)]




Last June I wrote the following piece as a sort of farewell to my dream of discovering a Dark Age Arthur:


After that blog, I pretty much went "all in" with my Artorius theory, one based primarily on my proposed reading of ARM.GENTES for the lacuna of the L. Artorius Castus memorial inscription.  I've recently produced an entire book that argues for Castus = Arthur (LET NOT ANYONE ESCAPE FROM SHEER DESTRUCTION, https://a.co/d/9EDrUev). But there remain some things that bother me about that argument, clever and comprehensive though it appears.  

Chief among those things are the ANNALES CAMBRIAE dates given for Arthur (c. 516 and c. 537) and the inclusion of Badon and Camlan in the Arthurian list of battles. And I will get to my thinking on these matters in a bit.

But first I wish to concentrate on two odd characteristics that are present in the earliest tradition concerning the various Arthurs.  I talking here, of course, about the prevalence of stones and horses in the sources. I have discussed both motifs before. But I have come to feel that they may be more important than I previously made them out to be.  

As far as stones go... 

Arthur of Dyfed has as a father one Petrus, a Roman name meaning "rock, stone."  Arthur son of Bicoir kills the Irish prince Mongan with a stone.  This is in one source referred to as a dragon stone, by which is probably meant obsidian.  However, the stone in question may originally have come from a folklore reference to a large monolith at a possible Bicoir site (see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2024/11/arthur-son-of-bicoir-of-kintyre.html). In the 1700s, Stanwix (for Etterby) was known as Arthur's fort (Arthuriburgum), and the huge Roman fort there housed the thousand-strong cavalry force of the Petriana. Some scholars hold that Petrianis of the NOTITIA DIGNITATUM is an actual nickname for the place, not a ghost-name.  If so, it is interesting that the Petriana were named for a certain Titus Pomponius Petra. Petra, once again, is stone or rock. The Arthur name in Dalriada is often thought to have come from the adjacent British kingdom of Strathclyde, with its capital at Dumbarton or Alclud, the Rock of Clyde, called Petra Cloithe in Adamnan. Alclud is referred to merely as Aloo, "the Rock", in Irish writings on/by St. Patrick.

While probably not relatable to the above, I've demonstrated that the name Uther Pendragon was derived from the "mil uathmar" and "chend" of the Irish story of Mongan's begetting. And those terms, in turn, arose from an Irish interpretation of an attested variant of the placename Degsastan (https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2017/10/degsastan-and-origin-of-mil-uathmarfer.html?m=1, https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2018/12/a-new-and-certain-identification-of.html?m=1). Degsastan's second element is the AS word for "stone."

And here is where the horses tie in (pun strictly intended).  Arthur is first mentioned in the HISTORIA BRITTONUM in the context of Hengist's death.  Hengist is a Saxon name meaning "stallion", and I have suggested that Hengist and Horsa (transparently "Horse") are Germanized names formed from the earlier British rulers of Kent like Epillus. The Irish Dessi-founded kingdom of Dyfed is replete with horse-lore (Gwri Gwallt-Eurin, Rhiannon, Manawydan).  There is a horse-name (Eochaid Allmuir) at the head of the Dessi pedigree. The Dalriada of Kintyre was founded on the peninsula belonging to the British Epidii or Horse-people.  The Dalriadans themselves had a horse-name (Eochaid Muinremuir) at the head of their royal genealogy.  

The name Epidii includes the P-Celtic root epos, meaning "horse" (cf. Welsh ebol, "a foal").[3] The Q-Celtic equivalent would be *ekwos, which became Old Gaelic ech. It is suggested that they were named after a horse god, whose name could be reconstructed as *Epidios.

On the name Eochaid, Professor Jurgen Uhlich wrote to me the following:

"Echoed/Eochaid is in fact a guttural, not an io-stem (gen. Echdach; cf. attached), and the Primitive Irish equivalent written in Ogam) would be *EQADECAS, cf. the formally related Luguid, ge. Luigdech < (Ogam) LUGUDECCAS. The real later outcome of *eku̯o-dii̯os is Echdae, lit. ‘horse-like’. And yes, that vowel in the second syllable was o, not the Latinate i seen in Epidii."

Kent, called Cendlond in the ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE, may well have been confused with Kintyre/Cindtire, 'Land's End/Head', where Arthur son of Bicoir is situated. The ruling center of Arthur son of Petr was in Pembroke, earlier Penbrog or 'Land's End/Head.'

Now, sure, all of that may simply be coincidence.  Or even just more spurious tradition.  But, alas, along with the Arthurian battles it is really all we have when it comes to being able to localize our hero somewhere.  The Arthurian birth story and the names of his parents are complete fiction (see 
https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2017/10/degsastan-and-origin-of-mil-uathmarfer.html) and so are spectacularly unhelpful in trying to figure out who Arthur actually was.  The Arthurs who cluster about the Strathclyde kingdom, home of the Roman period Dumnonii, may account for the relocation of Arthur in legend to Dumnonia in SW Britain, where an identically named tribe existed.  

If we go with the earliest stratum of Arthurian lore, one that refers to him not as a king, but only as a soldier, and combine that with the pronounced equine element, we do end up with a figure who looks a lot like the eques/knight L. Artorius Castus.  But there are two problems with that conclusion.  First, there were a lot of members of the knight class in Britain during Rome's presence there.  And it was common for non-knights who happened to be cavalrymen to put eques on inscriptions.  We have a great many such examples.  To claim that Castus was famous as an eques and so his name Artorius (which would have been linked to the British and Irish words for "bear", in any event) became popular among horse-loving Celts centuries after his floruit seems unlikely.  Not impossible if Castus had achieved a quasi-mythical status in Britain, I suppose.

But when we toss the stone into the pond (!), the ripples that are created seem to have nothing whatsoever to do with Castus.  Instead, we are forced to look at a Dark Age Arthur at Petrianis, himself a descendent of the Ala Petriana. Naturally, the name preserved over the centuries there may have come ultimately from Castus. Or it may simply be the name Arthur, derived from another man of that name. As Dr. Roger Tomlin has pointed out to me, Artorius "was a not uncommon name" among the Romans.  We know that there were Artorii in the Dalmatian province over which Castus was procurator and some very good scholars think Castus may have not only have died in Dalmatia, but may well have been born there.  We had Dalmatian units serving in Britain next to Castus's York and at the Carvoran fort on Hadrian's Wall. The British name of Carvoran was Magnis, "Stone, Rock."  The Birdoswald Roman fort just to the west of Carvoran, with its Dark Age royal center, is in the Irthing Valley of the Camboglanna/Camlan fort.  Dr. Andrew Breeze thinks the etymology of the river-name Irthing is "Little Bear", and I have tentatively placed the *Artenses (see the Welsh eponym Arthwys) or "Bear-people" in that valley. 

However, it is important to note that neither Carvoran nor Birdoswald housed cavalry.  On the other hand, the Stanwix garrison was the largest horse unit in all of Britain.  

Petrianis also has some other points in favor of its being the Arthurian center during the Sub-Roman period.  It was quite close to the Aballava/Avalana/"Avalon" Roman fort on the Wall, with its Dea Latis or "Lake Goddess."  It was also near Concavata, a fort named for the raised bog in its vicinity (https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2024/12/a-new-theory-on-concavata-name-for.html).  The dish known as a concavata was comparable to the gradalis/grail in medieval sources and I have proposed the fort at Drumburgh as the prototype for Arthur's Grail Castle.  Lastly, Camlan at Castlesteads on the Wall is not far to the east of Stanwix.  

In other words, Stanwix/Petrianis is the perfect locus in the context of other important Arthurian sites in the region.

This is the way it may have all worked: 

1) A famous horseman Arthur of the 6th century, a descendent of the largest cavalry group in all of Britain, the Ala Petriana, resides at Petrianis.  He fights a series of battles ranging from Buxton (Badon) at the southern edge of the old Brigantian territory all the way up to either a Caledonian Wood in Lowland Scotland or in Highland Caledonia itself.  Battles from the Wall south are explicable in what Dr. Ken Dark called a war-leader who was attempting to maintain the prerogatives of the Roman Dux
Britanniarum. Battles to the North - which, frankly, accord much better with L. Artorius Castus - could without too much of a strain be construed as being due to either Arthur's conquest of that area or his being in alliance with the Gododdin (Roman Votadini).  Remember, the HB does tell us Arthur was acting as a general in the wars of other British kings. 

I'm reminded of the great Welsh poem THE GODODDIN, which tells of the disastrous British battle against the English at Catterick in Yorkshire.  If such a force could come that far south from Edinburgh, then we might see Arthur doing something similar to help defend "Eidyn on the border" (see the PA GUR poem).  We know Urien of Rheged, who came after Arthur, fought at Bremenium/Brewyn/High Rochester (an Arthur site), but also at Catterick. 

The battles in the Manau Gododdin region, where we find the Roman period Maeatae (Miathi in the Irish sources), could belong to Castus or even to Arthur son of Aedan, who is said to die variously while fighting against the Miathi or in Circinn further north (https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2025/05/the-discovery-of-ancient-pictish.html). It has always been deemed possible that the battles of several Arthurs have been combined to form the Arthurian list in the HISTORIA BRITTONUM, although the Badon and Camlan battles can only belong to the Dark Age British leader - especially if we hold fast to the dates in the AC.

2) The Dalriadans come into the Epidii territory, and the Dessi come into the Dyfed of Epona [1]. Within a fairly short period of time, and after intermarriage with the indigenous Britons, they decide they are thoroughly British, or desperately want to be.  The Dyfed genealogy shows this, as the Irish version has the Irish names intact, while the Welsh version has stricken the Irish names and replaced them with Roman ones.  One of the best ways for these horse-loving Irish-descended dynaties in Britain to assert their "Britishness" was to give royal sons a name of a famous British horse warrior, i.e. Arthur.  The Petriana link inspired Petrus of Dyfed to name a son after this horse warrior of the Petriana.  The Strathclyde Britons of Petra Cloithe/Alclud, through a niece of the king who was married to Aedan, passed the Arthur name to the Scots who were merging with the Epidii.  Or it could have been the British Epidii themselves who passed along the Arthur name, with or without the "rock" connection (although we should not lose sight of the monolith at Dun Beachaire in Kintyre).  

To me, the above schema seems a decent construct.  Is it history?  Well, who knows? It's the best that I personally can do after a quarter of a century of Arthurian research.  

[1]

On Epona, I have this from John Koch's CELTIC CULTURE: A HISTORICAL ENCYCLOPEDIA.  I have highlighted a relevant sentence of the selection.

Epona’s name is Celtic, specifically Gallo-
Brittonic (P-Celtic), and means ‘horse goddess’.
She is the most abundantly attested Celtic deity of
the Roman Empire. Evidence for her cult is strongest
in central and eastern Gaul, as well as the military
zones of the Rhine and Danube frontiers, and northern
Roman Britain. Within the military, the cult recurs
among, but was not limited to, cavalry units and units
recruited from Gaul. Epona is mentioned by the Roman
author Juvenal (see Greek and Roman accounts §9),
but we know of the cult mainly from inscriptions
and accompanying images, many on Romano-Celtic
altars with a focus cut into the top for the pouring of
libations or presenting other offerings. In the inscriptions,
almost all of which are in Latin, with far fewer
in Greek, she is sometimes called dea ‘goddess’ or regina
‘queen’ and is often grouped with other deities, for
example, the following on an altar at Pförring, Bavaria:
CAMPES(TRIBUS) ET
EPONAE ALA I
SING(ULARIUM) P(IA) F(IDELIS)
C(IVIUM) R(OMANORUM CVI P(RAE)EST
AEL(IUS) BASSIANUS
PRAEF(ECTUS) V(OTUM) S(OLVIT) L(IBENS) M(ERITO)
To the gods of the parade ground and to Epona,
the devoted and loyal first ala [auxiliary cavalry unit]
of singulares, Roman citizens led by the prefect Aelius
Bassianus, in fulfilment of a vow. (CIL III nos. 5910
and 11909)
From Auchendavy on the Antonine Wall in Scotland
(Alba), a Roman altar reads:
MARTI
MINERVAE
CAMPESTRIBVS HERC(V)L(I)
EPONAE
VICTORIAE
M(ARCVS) COCCEI(VS)
FIRMVS
C(ENTVRIO) LEG(IONIS) II AVG(VSTAE)
To Mars, Minerva, the Goddesses of the Parade
Ground, Hercules, Epona, and Victory, Marcus
Cocceius Firmus, centurion of the Second Legion
Augusta [set up this altar]. (RIB no. 2177)
A small bronze plaque for a donkey cart found at the
Gallo-Roman centre Alesia carries the punched
inscription:
DEA(E) EPON(A)E. SATIGENUS SOLEMNI(S)
FIL(IUS).V(OTUM).S(OLVIT).L(IBENS)
To the goddess Epona, Satigenus son of Solemnis
willingly fulfilled his vow.
The name Satigenus is Celtic.
The Epona cult was richly visual. Relief sculptures
often show her riding a horse side-saddle, the goddess
astride the horse being more common in the territory
of the Treveri in north-east Gaul. She sometimes
appears with a foal, particularly in the territory of the
Aedui. Images showing the goddess enthroned were
popular in the Rhine–Danube military frontier zone
and are probably to be understood as imperial iconography.
The figure of the horse cut into the hill at
Uffington may reflect a related cult in pre-Roman
Britain.
In Celtic studies, Epona is often mentioned—
and attempts have been made to recover her myth—in
connection with supernatural female characters in early
Irish and Welsh literature who have strong thematic
and narrative associations with horses, such as Macha
and Rhiannon (cf. also sovereignty myth), as well
as the Welsh folk custom of the Mari Lwyd. On the
likelihood that traditions of Epona have survived in
Continental chivalric romances, see Romance lyric
(also Arthurian literature [6] §2; courtly
love).
The root of the name Epona also occurs in Old Irish
ech ‘horse’ and the Gaulish month name EQVOS found
on the Coligny calendar, both from Indo-
European *ek´wos ‘horse’. On this type of divine nameformation,
cf. Damona; Matronae; Nemetona;
Sirona.
Primary Sources
Inscriptions. CIL 3, nos. 5910, 11909; RIB no. 2177.










Wednesday, January 14, 2026

IS THE ARTHUR OF THE HISTORIA BRITTONUM AND THE ANNALES CAMBRIA "FAKE NEWS"?



Dun Beachaire



Dun Beachaire 

In a recent blog piece, I explored the "horse" associations of the various Dark Age Arthurs:


An implication of that article, though hinted at, was not fully developed.  And it is to that subject that I would like now to return.

In brief, if it is true that, as I once surmised, the Arthur who appears in the HISTORIA BRITTONUM in the context of Kent (Cendlond) is a reference to the 7th century Arthur son of Bicoir of Kintyre (Cindtire), a fact that would mean there never was a 5th-6th century Arthur fighting the Saxons, what do we make of Arthur son of Aedan (or of Aedan's son, Conaing) of Dalriada and Arthur son of Petr of Dyfed?

In other words, if we accept THE ARTHUR of legend as a chronologically and geographically displaced Arthur of Kintyre, and note the horse associations that exist between the Saxon founders of Kent, the Manannan-sired Mongan (from mong, "mane") killed by the Kintyre Arthur, and the many equine attributes of the Kintyre and Pembroke peninsulas, where did the name Arthur originally come from?
Is it from the early 3rd century Romand eques L. Artorius Castus or does it come from another source?

Well, simply based on precedence, Arthur son of Aedan (or Conaing, from English king - maybe a son of Aedan, but also possibly a doublet for Aedan later wrongly taken to be a separate personage) comes first. We've seen that Aedan married the niece of a British king and that they had a daughter named Maithgemma (Irish "bear"). It is reasonable to suppose they also had a son whom they gave a British bear name to (or a name they happened to interpret as a bear name).

The Big Question, of course, is where did the uncle of Aedan's wife rule?

The most obvious answer would be adjacent Strathclyde. But as we know Sawyl Benisel of Ribchester took a princess of the Dal Fiatach to wife, and the Dal Fiatach were neighbors of the Dalriadans, we can't be sure Alclud's ruler was the man who gave his brother's daughter to Aedan.

So, just what kingdom did the name Arthur (a perceived bear name, hence the companion name Maithgemma) come from - and why was it honored there? And what, if anything, did it have to do with the Arthurian battles of the HB and AC?

Well, this takes us right back to the Roman name Artorius. While scholars are quick to point out that it was not an uncommon name and so could have been preserved in a noble or royal family anywhere in Britain, as we are justified in restricting the name to somewhere in the North we can look to those places where Roman members of the Artorii gens or descendents of such members would most likely be found.

Excepting L. Artorius Castus as the first British Arthur, we know there was a good concentration of Roman period Artorii in Dalmatia. True, Castus served as procurator there and died and was buried there, but other Artorii are attested in Salona, for example. 

We have records of Dalmatian units in Roman Britain. One such garrisoned Carvoran on Hadrian's Wall. We find buried there a woman from Salona. We know such units, while created with Dalmatian troops, would later have contained soldiers drawn from other ethnicities. However, there is some evidence for continued recruitment from the homeland and the possibility of cultural elements being preserved beneath the veneer of Romanization. The name Artorius might well have been passed down through several generations of Romano-Britons at this fort.

Another unit garrisoned a command center somewhere in the vicinity of Castus' York. Dr. Roger Tomlin situates this center in that part of York's vicus on the other side of the River Ouse. The Artorius name could have been used by a family in York itself, once the base of Castus' Sixth Legion.

In the article cited above, I discussed Stanwix as Arthur's Fort (Arthuriburgum in the 1700s). The only problem with this late, antiquarian identification is that we have no way of accounting how the Artorius name would have gotten there. And, in fact, we might hypothesize that my earlier proposed Petriana connection with the Petrus of Dyfed here functions in an opposite sense, i.e. some memory of Stanwix as Petrianis had caused it to become wrongly associated through the usual folkoristic processes with Petrus of Dyfed, father of an Arthur. I now think this is a more likely explanation for Arthur's placement at Stanwix.

The most attractive possibility for a northern home for the Dark Age Arthur name remains the Irthing Valley. I've detailed the reasons for this. First, the Birdoswald Dark Age hall complex is in the Irthing Valley, not far west across the Tyne-Irthing Gap from the Dalmatian-manned Carvoran fort. Second, Camboglanna/Castlesteads is also in the Irthing Valley. The river-name may well be from a Cumbric word meaning "Little Bear". I have further suggested that the Welsh Arthwys eponym in the North, a name representing an earlier Latin *Artenses or People of the Bear, may well have been a tribe  inhabiting the Irthing Valley.

Given all of that, might the Arthur name, interpreted as a bear name, have come from Birdoswald? The same Birdoswald I have identified as the home of St. Patrick?

If so, how did the name get to Dalriada?

Well, here's where we plug in the British king who gave his niece to Aedan. She would be of the Artenses and the twin bear names Maithgemma and Arthur would make sense in this context. As the Dal Fiatach had formed a marriage alliance with a king from the region of the Roman period Segantii (Lancashire), there is no reason the Dalriadans could not have formed a comparable alliance with a chieftain of the Artenses.

Now, obviously, this once again begs the question as to whether the Artorius name had simply been passed down through a ruling family at Carvoran and/or Birdoswald or if we can still entertain the notion of a famous Dark Age Arthur in the Valley of the Little Bear. 

The Arthurian battles of the HB and the AC do not look like Dark Age engagements. My detailed treatment of the HB Arthur's martial activity revealed a Roman campaign or campaigns, something which prompted me to favor L. Artorius Castus as the prototypical Arthur. 

Is there any way out of this difficulty?

Perhaps. Most of us idealistic Arthurian enthusiasts resist "diluting" our hero. What I mean by that is we prefer to see in Arthur one man fighting gloriously against the Saxons in a dozen contests. We don't want to admit the possibility that over the centuries of legend-building several Arthurs may have been conflated, their various battles being thrown together under the aegis of a single imaginary figure. 

True, this view of a monstrous amalgamation of Arthurs is not a new one and is readily accepted in some quarters. It runs distinctly counter to the romantic impulse and is just as impossible to prove as the opposite notion, i.e. that all the battles belong to only one man.

I suppose it all comes down to belief - and the dates for Arthur. An Arthur at Badon of the first quarter of the 6th century points to Buxton in the North. If Arthur is Castus, then Arthur's name was merely attached to Badon in heroic legend. The fact that at least two sources (the AC and "The Dream of Rhonabwy") identify Badon with the Liddington Badbury leads us away from Buxton. If the Welsh tradition supporting Liddington is a genuinely historical one, it is practically certain Arthur never fought there.

An Arthur dying at Camboglanna in the second quarter of the 6th century cannot, obviously, be a reference to Castus in the same place - unless, of course, as is quite plausible, Castus fought rebelling Brigantes at Castlesteads. The inclusion of St. Medard in the AC Camlan entry as "Medraut" does nothing to bolster our faith in the Camlann entry. In fact, it only serves to remind us of the many other chronological inconsistencies in the HB, not to mention the outright fiction of a British Ambrosius (a easily proven temporal and geographical displacement of a curious conflation of the Gallic prefect of that name and his saintly son).

But I think we can be somewhat confident that one of two things has happened: either just the Arthur name made its way to Dalriada from the Irthing Valley - a name possibly deriving from Castus - or Castus is the Arthur.

Either way, we must be able to reconcile the Arthurian battles of the HB and AC with who the famous Arthur really was. 

The horse associations may point to eques Castus. Or Dyfed, being an Irish-based kingdom, may simply have borrowed Arthur from the Irish Dalriadans, in which case we need not invoke the ghost of Castus for Petrus' son.