Saturday, July 30, 2022

No Reason Why a Nechton as Father of Uther Could Not Have Been a Brother of Nudd: A Brief Refutation of a Note by Rachel Bromwich

Neitano Stone Inscription


In a Note to Senyllt2 in her TRIADS, Rachel Bromwich has the following remark on the Nechtan made a son of Senyllt in Welsh sources:

"Evidently the names Neidaon, Nwython in these genealogies are to be equated with the Nudd of the Triad."

I would respectfully beg to differ.  We know of the Nud stone at Yarrow, and I have shown that we have evidence both from a Dark Age stone and from place-names that Nechton was found in this region.  I would kindly refer my reader to the following blog articles in support of this contention:


In recent years, attempts have been made to remove the Selgovae tribe from Trimontium.  But I have no problem myself with the Tweed here being the most logical boundary between the Votadini to the north and the Selgovae to the south. According to Ptolemy, the Brigantes of northern England are south of the Selgovae.  Such a territorial expanse would allow us to have a man like Uther, of Selgovae descent, end up as a chieftain who had established himself at Banna on Hadrian's Wall, as the Wall was the southern boundary of Selgovae lands.

Of course, if Ptolemy is correct and Bremenium/High Rochester belonged to the Votadini, who are otherwise known from the Edinburgh region, then the Selgovae tribe must be confined to the upper Tweed and, indeed, to the central Lowlands.  They would thus be surrounded by the Damnonii to the NW, the Novantae to the W, the Votadini to the N and E and the Brigantes to the S. 

Birdoswald/Banna and Carvoran were almost certainly on the border between Selgovae lands and those of the Brigantes.  

It may well be that we can allow an Uther Pen[dragon] son of Nethawc (= Nechton) after all, with such a personage being placed in the Scottish Lowlands and the Wall rather than in the Pictland of Welsh legend.  


Uther Pen Son of Nethawc/Nechtan and Manannan Son of Lir: Is This the Link to the Arthur Birth Story?

Statue of Manannan Mac Lir

Pretty much anyone who has studied the Arthurian birth story knows that it was copied from one of two sources - or perhaps from both of these.  The first is the Irish tale of the conception of Mongan, while the second is the birth of Herakles.  

For those unfamiliar with the Irish version, I kindly refer you to these translations:

https://www.maryjones.us/ctexts/mongan2.html


Now, the real question concerning possible incorporation of the Mongan birth tale into that of Arthur is whether this came about because Uther was identified with Manannan the sea god or merely because we know Mongan was later killed by Arthur of Dyfed (Bicoir in the Irish Annals is merely a corruption of Petuir, i.e. Pedr).  

I have made a big deal about a possible Nechtan father for Uther.  Most recently, I revisited the idea here:


The possible significance of a Nechtan father for Uther naturally leads to any number of such personages, from Pictish or Scottish Lowland figures to St. Nechtan at Tintagel:


Nechtan is the Celtic cognate of Classical Latin Neptune, the sea god.  And from what we know of the Nechtans, including a god of that name in Ireland, they were generally associated with water.  The Lir made father of Manannan in Irish tradition is simply the word for 'Sea'.  We could thus do the following, which seems to show a synonymous meaning for the patronymics involved:

Uther Pen Son of Nethawc/Nechtan

Manannan son of Lir 

Whether this can be used to help substantiate an identificaiton of Uther Pen of the MARWNAT VTHYR PEN and the Penn son of Nethawc of CULHWCH AC OLWEN is debatable.  But I think it must be allowed to stand as a valid argument in support of the notion.








Thursday, July 28, 2022

Would the Real Victor Please Stand Up?: St. Patrick's 'Angel' at Birdoswald/Banna

St. Victricius of Rouen

In the following article, I once again treat of the Gwythyr/Gwythur found in an elegy poem on Uther Pendragon and in the MABINOGION tale 'Culhwch and Olwen:'


As related articles attest, I've long sought various identities for this 'Victor' of the North.  My guesses ranged from Flavius Victor, son of Magnus Maximus, or Withur of Leon in Brittany, to various Pictish or Gaelic entities (Buadach, 'the Victorious One'), the Budicius of Geoffrey of Monmouth, the Victrix title of a Roman legion, the Roman fort of Victoria at Inchtuthil or a construct from 'victoria', used for Nechtan's victory over Alpin at the Hill of Belief (a place personified in the Welsh tale as Creiddylad). There are also various other known Victor-/Victri- names for Britain found from the early 5th century on, all searchable at CANMORE and CISP.  There was even a Roman vicarius named Victorinus in the late period.  

Furthermore, I had proposed that the Gwyn of the Creiddylad tale had been substituted for the Pictish Alpin, a name derived from or cognate with Latin albinus, from albus, 'white.'  For all of this, see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2020/04/creiddylad-not-goddess-welsh.html.

Well, it has occurred to me I may have missed a very obvious candidate for Gwythyr: the Victor mentioned in the HISTORIA BRITTONUM (Ch. 51) as the angel who told Patrick to go back to Ireland from Britain.

The identity of this 'angel' has been discussed by authorities over the years.  It is fairly clear he is an alteration of the Victoricus mentioned in the sources on St. Patrick.  This man has been tentatively linked to St. Victricius of Rouen, who supposedly traveled to Britain to deal with doctrinal issues.  He encountered much paganism and heresy there.  This trip happened at the very end of the 4th century, and the saint died in the late beginning of the 5th.  

We could not find someone more suitable to match against the pagan god Gwyn in a contest for the Hill of Belief than Victricius!

Furthermore, I have proven that St. Patrick was born at Banna/Birdoswald, a Roman fort on Hadrian's Wall (see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2019/02/banna-as-home-of-st-patrick-repost.html). I have also suggested Banna may have been the ruling center of Uther Pendragon.  When Patrick escaped from his Irish captors, he made his way home.  It was while he was there that he encountered Victor/Victoricus:

"A few years later I was again with my parents in Britain. They welcomed me as a son, and they pleaded with me that, after all the many tribulations I had undergone, I should never leave them again. It was while I was there that I saw, in a vision in the night, a man whose name was Victoricus coming as it were from Ireland with so many letters they could not be counted." 

For the sources on Victor/Victoricus and St. Patrick, please see the following sites:



Wednesday, July 27, 2022

WAS I ON THE RIGHT TRACK WITH UTHER PEN SON OF NETHAWC OF THE SELGOVAE?

Yarrow Stone

As a result of these articles -




- it has occurred to me that I perhaps should not have so hastily dismissed an earlier idea regarding Arthur's father, Uther.  Essentially (see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2019/07/arthur-as-descendant-of-sub-roman.html), I had once sought to provide Uther with an alternate, pre-Galfridian genealogy.  This particular trace looked to an apparent convergence of events featuring one Gwythyr (or 'Victor') in the MARWNAT VTHYR PEN and CULHWCH AC OLWEN.

How this worked was rather simple: in the elegy poem, Uther is said to fight with (according to Marged Haycock, probably on the same side as) Gwythyr.  When we go to the Arthurian story in the MABINOGION, we find one of Gwythyr's warriors named PENN SON OF NETHAWC. Nethawc is a pet-form of Nectan. 

The experts who edit and translate these texts felt that there was some element missing from in front of Pen, as that was otherwise not a name, but an epithet.  [Uther itself, incidentally, is an adjective in Welsh, and its significance as a true name has been challenged.]

The following links outlined my idea in some detail:




Culhwch and Olwen

Marwnat Vthyr Pen

Significantly, there happen to be early Nectan/Nethawc names recorded in the region of the Eildons.  Some are extant in place-names (Nenthorn and Plendernethy), but the best example is found on a stone:


Now, I ultimately decided against this possible family connection for Uther.  Why?  Because the scholars were not entirely correct about the Penn name not occurring in isolation.  We find it in Pictish sources (and the whole Gwythyr episide in C&O takes place in Pictish Scotland), both as a name itself (in its Q-Celtic form of Cind) and as a component in the Brude ruler list.  


Again, we must accept the location of the Gwythyr tale in the context of this discussion.  The focus of the story is Creiddylad, who is certainly a personification of the Hill of Belief in Highland Scotland:


I later decided to take a look at the Nwython (a Welsh form of Pictish Nectan) placed in the royal pedigree of British Strathclyde.  This Nwython, in turn, naturally led to a consideration of the St. Nectan who was known from Tintagel and vicinity (in the territory of the ancient Dumnonii of the south). Alas, this Strathclyde Nwython is not only way too late to have anything to do with Uther, but is in all likelihood an intrusion of a Pictish Nwython into the British genealogy:


Taken all together, the case for an 'Uther Pen son of Necthawc (= Nectan)' did not seem very strong.  Yet at the time I had not decided on the original site for the 'raptors of Elei' being the Eildon Hills, the oppidum of the Selgovae.  And it remains true that anyone bearing the name Nectan - even if he belonged in the Tweed basin - might well have been sucked up into the legendary Pictish traditions of Highland Scotland.  In other words, there is no really good reason why a 'Nethawc' could not belong to the area around the Eildons.

If Mabon at the Eildons is a gwas or servant of Uther Pendragon, does it follow that Uther belongs there, too?

For those who want to read even more articles on an Uther son of Nethawc/Neithan from the territory of the ancient Selgovae, I refer you to the following links, all from my blog site.  The last post is the most important of the group. 

Monday, July 25, 2022

NOTE ON THE THIRD 'RAPTER OF ELEI', GWYN GODYFRION


[This is an addendum to my article https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2020/08/eil-mehyn-of-urien-rheged-and-eildon.html.  It is important because while it was not difficult to account for Mabon son Modron and Constantius Chlorus at Newstead/Trimontium, I had previously be unable to account for the placement there of Gwyn Godyfrion.  But once I accepted the suggestion that Godyfrion was here merely an epithet of Gwyn son of Nudd, things began to open up.  

I had already studied the Yarrow stone.  It is a memorial to sons of Liberalis, probably 6th century.  One is named Nud[d].  This also happens to be the name of the father of the famous Gwynn of Welsh tradition.  The Yarrow Stone bearing Nudd's name is at Whitefield next to the Whitehope Burn.  Yarrow empties into the Ettrick and the latter into the Tweed just a little upstream from the Eildons.  I personally have no doubt the presence of a Nudd here would have encouraged some poet to place Gwyn in the same place.

So, at this point I'm pretty sure Elei in the PA GUR is a substitution for the Eildons.  In all likelihood the eil mehyn, palisaded place, of the Urien poem (which is immediately preceded by eidoed kyhoed, 'conspicuous defenses') is a reference to the Eildons.  All the other identifiable place-names in the same section of the poem in question, when grouped on a map, show the Eildons in the center of the grouping.]

NOTE ON THE THIRD 'RAPTER OF ELEI', GWYN GODYFRION

The entire section on the Elei, precisely because this was known to be a river-name, shows what appears to be intruded water symbolism.  To explain how this came about, the following note from THE ARTHUR OF THE WELSH (ed. R. Bromwich, A.O.H. Jarman and B. F. Roberts) is helpful:

It should not surprise us, then, that the third of the raptors of Elei bears a very strange epithet - one which has, indeed, been interpreted as a place-name.  As discussed in the volume by Jones:


If not a made-up name for a made-up hero (is this merely a doublet for the god Gwynn son of Nudd?), Gwyn 'Below/Under [the?] Water' looks to be yet another corrupt spelling, like so many that occur in the 'Pa Gur' (again, see my book THE BATTLE-LEADER OF THE NORTH). Alternately, we could look for a real place-name, probably an English, Norse or Gaelic one.  Something, perhaps, like "Nether White Burn/Beck."

In CULHCH AC OLWEN, Gwyn is placed in the North for the story of Creiddylad and Gwythyr.  As his father was Nudd, it may well be that legend associated him with the Nudd son of Liberalis who is to be connected with the Yarrow Stone.  I once explored this Nudd as a possible relation of Uther Pendragon (see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2019/06/uther-pen-son-of-nethawcnwython-part-two.html and https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2019/05/uther-pen-son-of-nethawcnwython.html).  If Gwyn Godyfrion was indeed linked to this chieftain, a possible link with the Eildons as the original site of Elei gains some traction.  See the following maps for the proximity of Yarrow to the Eildon Hills.



Note that the Yarrow Water empties into the Ettrick, a major tributary of the Tweed just upstream from the Eildons.  The Yarrow Stone stands in Whitefield.  The Whitehope Burn runs nearby. 

Wednesday, July 20, 2022

Dr. Ken Dark on Hadrian's Wall in the Sub-Roman/Early Medieval Periods



The case that has been recently made by Ken Dark of the University of Reading for the sub-Roman (i.e. 5th-6th century CE) re-use of Hadrian’s Wall, as well as of forts along the Wall and in the adjacent tribal territory of the ancient Brigantian kingdom.

According to Dark, from whose paper on the subject I will liberally quote:

“… eight fourth-century fort sites on, or close to, the line of Hadrian’s Wall have produced, albeit sometimes slight, evidence of fifth -sixth-century use. Nor is this simply a reflection of a pattern found father north; for no Roman fort site in what is now Scotland has any plausible evidence of immediately post-Roman use. Thus the situation to the north of the Wall is similar to that found in Wales.

What is more surprising still is the character of the reuse found on the line of the Wall. Two sites, Housesteads and Corbridge, have evidence not only of internal occupation, but of refortification; at Birdoswald there are the well known ‘halls’, while at Chesterholma Class-I inscribed stone of the late fifth or early sixth century come from the immediate vicinity of the fort. At South Shields there is also evidence of re-fortification, and there is an external inhumation cemetery. Another Class-I stone was identified by C.A.R. Radford at Castlesteads.

At Binchester immediately to the south of the Wall, and at Carvoran, Benwell and Housesteads on its line, there are early Anglo- Saxon burials or finds, while at Chestersand Chesterholm (perhaps sixth century) Anglo - Saxon annular brooches come from within the forts, although these may be somewhat later in date than the other material so far mentioned.

At the western terminal of the Wall, a town-site, Carlisle, though not necessarily primarily mili-tary in the Late Roman period, has also produced substantial evidence of sub-Roman occu-pation, with continued use of Roman-period buildings into the fifth, if not sixth, century.

Many scholars accept that Carlisle was part of the late fourth-century Wall-system, perhaps even its headquarters, and at Corbridge, the other town-site intimately connected with the Wall, fifth -and sixth century material has also been found, including, perhaps, evidence of continuing British and Anglo-Saxon use. In the North as a whole, fifth- or sixth-century evidence from what had been Late Roman towns is not common. York, Aldborough, Malton, and Catterick are our only other examples. Two of these sites (York and Malton) were part of the same Late Roman military command as Hadrian’s Wall: that of the Dux Britanniarum.

It is interesting that, of the sites at Manchester and Ribchester– between the Mersey and Carlisle, the only fort-sites known to have possible fifth or sixth -century evidence – Ribchester was not only part of the command of the Dux Britanniarum, but also listed as per lineum ualli in the Notitia Dignitatum. It is, therefore, remarkable that out of the twelve fourth-century Roman military sites in northern and western Britain to have produced convincingly datable structural, artefactual, or stratigraphic evidence of fifth-or sixth-century occupation, eleven were, almost certainly, part of the Late Roman military command.

Eight of these were probably within the same part of that command, and eight comprise a lin-ear group (the only regional group) which stretches along the whole line of Hadrian’s Wall from east to west. The two more substantial late fourth- century settlements adjacent to the Wall – Carlisle and Corbridge– have also produced fifth- and sixth-century evidence and two of the other towns with such evidence were also late fourth-century strategic centres under the military command of the Dux.”

After setting forth these facts, and discussing them, Dr. Dark offers a rather revolutionary idea:

“Although it is difficult, therefore, to ascertain whether the military project which I have described was the work of an alliance or a north British kingdom or over-kingdom, there does seem to be reason to suppose that it may have represented a post-Roman form of the command of the Dux Britanniarum…

This archaeological pattern, however it is interpreted, is of the greatest interest not only to the study of the fifth-and sixth- century north of Britain, but to that of the end of Roman Britain and the end of the Western Roman Empire as a whole. It may provide evidence for the latest functioning military command of Roman deriva-tion in the West, outside the areas of Eastern Imperial control, and could be testimony to the largest Insular Celtic kingdom known to us.”

In another paper, Ken and S.P. Dark rebut P.J. Casey’s argument for a re -interpretation of the reuse and re-fortification of the Wall and its associated forts. His conclusion for this paper reads as follows:

“If one adopts the interpretation that the Wall forts were reused in the later fifth-early sixth century for a series of sub-Roman secular elite settlements, then the associated problems involved in explaining this new evidence of occupation at that time disappear…

So, the interpretation that the Wall became a series of secular elite settlements, discontinuous from the Late Roman activity at the forts within which they were sited, is compatible with the evidence of pollen analysis, while the alternative interpretations are both rendered unlikely by it.

This does not, of course, make the suggestion that this reoccupation represents the sub-Roman reconstruction of the Command of the Dux Britanniarum any more likely, but the pattern on which that interpretation is based has been strengthened, rather than weakened, by the new archaeological data, whilst the evidence also hints at a similar reoccupation with regard to the signal stations of the Yorkshire coast and their headquarters at Malton.

Perhaps, then, at last one is able to see answers to many of the most pressing questions regarding what happened in north Britain, and more specifically on Hadrian’s Wall, in the fifth and sixth centuries…

The answer to all of these questions may lie in the rise and fall of a reconstructed Late Roman military command, unique in Britain, which was organized in a sub-Roman fashion reliant upon the loyal warbands of warrior aristocrats (and Anglo-Saxon mercenaries) rather than paid regular soldiers. The organizing authority of this system, probably a king of the sub-Roman Brigantes, assigned a politico-military role to the defended homesteads of these elites, and (as in the location of churches at disused forts, through land-grants?) positioned these at what had been Roman fort sites, but which were (at least substantially) deserted by the time when they were reused in this way. Thus, the ‘Late Roman’ Wall communities dispersed during the first half of the fifth century, but the Wall – and perhaps the north generally – was redefended in the later fifth and early-mid sixth century on very different lines, yet not completely without regard for the Late Roman past.”

I would like to post here two pages from his book BRITAIN AND THE END OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.  These nicely summarize his position, which is based on a sound archaeological analysis of the region.






ANNOUNCEMENT OF CONCLUSION OF MY ARTHURIAN RESEARCHES

Hadrian's Wall

Only a few weeks ago, I wrote the following blog piece:



While somewhat understated, I feel these essays nicely express my current sentiment.  In brief, I have spent an awful lot of time trying to make something out of the Arthurian traditions of the Welsh.  My failure to do so is not so much due to my own shortcomings, but rather to an acknowledgement of the unreliability of the source material.  As is true of today's Arthurian researchers, we all want to make Arthur our own, and the Welsh were no exception to this rule.

Ironically, the theory that I have finally settled on as the best one I can put forward was first presented publicly at the Second International Symposium on Lucius Artorius Castus in Podstrana, Croatia, in October 2019.  Not long after that experience, I felt I had made an important discovery regarding a possible connection of Arthur with a Dark Age dynasty at Ribchester.  I was partly influenced by a desire to try and reconcile the so-called 'Sarmatian Theory' concerning L. Artorius Castus with my own conviction that a Dark Age Arthur was the more famous man remembered in legend.  

Alas, over a year of additional research, both into the Ribchester angle and into the supposed relationship of Artorius with the Sarmatian troops in Britain, I found myself in the ineviable position of having conclusively proven that 'LAC' (as he is usually referred to in Arthurian circles) was not in Britain when the Sarmatians were there.  Furthermore, the genealogical trace which allowed me to tentatively place the Dark Age Arthur at Ribchester of the Sarmatian veterans proved to be false.  It actually pointed strongly to a fort in NW Wales (Dinas Emrys/Caer Dathal) which has already been subjected to all kinds of folkloristic treatment.

With nothing else really to go on, I decided to follow the Welsh tradition down whatever rabbit hole it might lead me.  As it turned out, everything naturally led me to reconsider my earlier hypothesis concerning Ceredig son of Cunedda (= Cerdic of the Gewissei).  A single phrase in the elegiac poem on Uther Pendragon ('Pen Kawell') led me to identify the latter with Ceawlin of the Gewissei, the [Maqui-]Coline who was Cunedda himself.  This seemed an eminently perfect theory, although it necessitated a creative treatment of the Arthurian battle sites.  In essence, I had to show convincingly that the sites in the HISTORIA BRITTONUM were Welsh attempts at place-names found in the ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE.  

Pen Kawell turned out to be pivotal in my decision to abandon the Arthur = Cerdic of Wessex identification.  While cawell, taken literally as 'basket', could be linked to AS ceawl, 'basket', it was more likely that cawell was either a place-name (making Uther the 'chieftain of Cawell') or, even better, a epithet for God in the poem line in question.  'Pen Cawell' could be an easy error for 'Pen Cafell', 'Chief of the Sanctuary' (given that W. cawell and cafell both derive from the same Latin word).  It made the most sense to read the relevant line as "Our God, Chief of the Sanctuary, transforms me..."  This is especially true as the following line tells us what Uther is metaphoprically transformed into: "It is I who is like a candle (or fig. star, or leader) in the gloom..."

And there were still other southern candidates for Arthur, all involving dubious identifications of Uther.  I looked again into St. Illtud (called a 'terrible warrior') and at the Dumnonian Geraint, perhaps a reflection of the earlier Roman Gerontius, whose magister utriusque militiae rank may have yielded Uther Pendragon through standard folk etymology. Illtud was as easily dispensed with as had been Ceredig of Strathclyde (called a 'cruel tyrant' in the St. Patrick sources; one of the meanings of uthr in Welsh being 'cruel'). The Geraint idea was clever, but ultimately doomed, as all sites pertaining to him were in extreme southern Cornwall.  If I had a hankering for the Celtic fringe, I couldn't get any better than that!

What I needed was perspective.  A much wider one! I had intentionally pigeon-holed myself into the Celtic Fringe, and thereby has lost sight of the bigger picture.  So what did I do?  I went back to the Arthurian battle list as recorded in the HISTORIA BRITTONUM.

I had forgotten just how perfectly my place-name identifications for sites in the North seemed to be.  Without having to distort or imaginatively interpret, I had found locations that not only followed all established linguistic rules, but also took into account geography, the Roman road system and archaeological findings.  Furthermore, I had made a quite reasonable argument for Camboglanna on the Wall being Camlann (not an original idea, in any sense), for Aballava/Avalana just a little bit west of Camboglanna being Arthur's 'Avalon', and Birdoswald and Carvoran being the forts of Uther the Dragon and Arthur, respectively.  Birdoswald was the site of a remarkable Dark Age hall and related building complex and had been manned for centuries by the Dacians, famous for their draco standard.  Carvoran had been manned by Dalmatians, and I had demonstrated that LAC had, in all likelihood, been born in Dalmatia, and he certainly was put to rest there.  Birdoswald and Camboglanna were in the Irthing Valley, a river-name quite possibly to be traced to a Cumbric word for 'bear.'  I assigned the *Artenses or 'Bear-people' to this region.  The designation *Artenses is preserved in the Welsh eponym Arthwys.  A son of this 'Arthwys', i.e. a descendent of the Bear-people, was one Ceidio, whose name is a pet-form of a longer name that may well have meant 'Battle-leader.'  He may be Arthur, the dux erat bellorum of the HISTORIA BRITTONUM.  Powcady just north of Camboglanna may preserve Ceidio's name.




My opponents will complain that all of that is purely circumstantial evidence - and they would be right in making such an assessment.  My attempt to pin down Uther and Arthur into a genealogical framework independent of the Galfridian construct has failed.  I find I need to resort to logical probabilities.  And, if I wish to be honest with myself, I must remain content with such. 

I go back to what place-name expert Alan James once told me:

“If you're assuming late 5th century, the archaelogical and (earliest OE) p-n evidence suggests the main concentration of Germanic-speakers would have been around the Humber, with control of York and extending west to the Magnesian Limestone/ Dere Street - i.e. the beginnngs of Deira and Lindsey; smaller but significant settlements along the Tees, and in the Yorkshire Gap, with control of Catterick; likewise along the Tyne and eastern part of Hadrian's Wall. Further north probably still P-Celtic, but there were of course strategic sites on both sides of the Forth; likewise to the west, strategic sites along the Wall and either side of the Solway Firth. 

Whether or not Arthur was involved, I can well believe there were battles at all the places you've marked!”

So, if not Arthur at these places, it must have been someone very much like him.  

And that, my friends, is the best that I can do.  

 




Tuesday, July 19, 2022

Birdoswald Dark Age Use and its Significance (from Tony Wilmott's book)


The following pages are from 

BIRDOSWALD
Excavations of a Roman fort on Hadrian's wall
and its successor settlements: 1987-92
Tony Wilmott
with
Louise Hird, Karen Izard, and Jan Summerfield

ENGLISH HERITAGE
1997
ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT 14:








Tuesday, July 5, 2022

Maponus/Mabon at Camboglanna/Castlesteads


In Arthurian tradition, Uther Pendragon has as his servant the god Mabon son of Modron (PA GUR), while Arthur numbers Mabon among his retinue (CULHWCH AC OLWEN).  I find it interesting, therefore, that Arthur's Camlann - the Camboglanna Roman fort on Hadrian's Wall - has a Roman period dedication to Maponus: 


Haverfield was doubtless correct in assigning the stone to Castlesteads.  From


(26) It is necessary to add a similar note about an altar dedicated DEO MAPONO by various Germans, which was noticed about 1755 at Nunnery near Kirkoswald, four miles east of Plumpton Wall. This was assigned by Lysons and Bruce to Plumpton Wall (see Pegge, Gentleman's Magazine, 1755, pp. 392, 438; Lysons' Cumberland, p. clxxiii. ; LS. 793) . But it was really found near Brampton, that is, at or near the fort of Castlesteads, about or before 1688. This is attested by a letter of W Nicolson, later Bishop of Carlisle, dated June 5th, 1693, which is preserved in the Bodleian Library (MS. Ashmole 1816, fo. 466. See CIL. vii. 332, LS. 793, and Eph. Epigr. ix. p. 566).

I say this because the dedication was erected by four Germans, and we know that according to the NOTITIA DIGNITATUM the Germanic Tungri was the chief garrison of Camboglanna  (see http://lukeuedasarson.com/NDtungri.html).






Sunday, July 3, 2022

CEIDIO OF THE BEAR-PEOPLE AND THE 'DUX ERAT BELLORUM' (EXCERPTS FROM EARLIER ESSAYS)







ARTHUR DUX BELLORUM AND CEIDIO SON OF ARTHWYS

There has always been a problem with the ‘dux bellorum’ title applied to the legendary Arthur.

To begin, there is a misconception that the socalled title actually appears this way in the text of Nennius’s Latin HISTORIA BRITTONUM. In fact, it does not. The text actually reads ‘sed ipse dux erat bellorum’, ‘but he himself was leader of battles’. As has been discussed before by experts in early Medieval Latin who have studied Nennius, this is NOT a title. It cannot be equated, therefore, with the dux legionum rank of the third century Roman Lucius Artorius Castus, who led a single campaign against the Armenians. It certainly can’t be compared with the same man’s rank of praefectus (castrorum) of the Sixth Legion at York. For a good discussion of the ranks held by LAC, see http://christophergwinn.com/arthuriana/lac-sourcebook/.

This description applied to Arthur in the HB seems to have led to him being referred to in subsequent sources as simply a miles or ‘soldier.’ The idea has often been floated that this means Arthur was not a king and, in fact, may not even have been of royal blood. Truth is, Arthur may not have been king – if he predeceased his father, for instance. We do not have to resort to the 2nd-3rd century Roman soldier Lucius Artorius Castus to account for the 5th-6th century chieftain being considered only a ‘leader of battles.’

But if not a title, could this Latin phrase have designated a secondary, purely British name belonging to Arthur?

Myself and others have pointed out that attested early names such as Cadwaladr, (“Catu-walatros) ‘Battle-leader’, Caderyn (Catu-tigernos), ‘Battle-lord’, Cadfael (Catu-maglos), ‘Battle-prince’, Caturix (a Gaulish god), ‘Battle-king’, could have yielded a description such as ‘dux erat bellorum’. No names of this nature appear to have been known in the North (where I’ve shown Arthur to belong) during the Arthurian period.

However, it has recently occurred to me that my tentative genealogical trace of Arthur to Arthwys, the latter being a name or a regional designation of the valley of the River Irthing on the western part of Hadrian’s Wall, may hold the clue to unraveling the dux bellorum mystery. Arthur died at Camboglanna/Castlesteads on the Cambeck, a tributary of the Irthing.

The son of Arthwys in the genealogies is given as Ceidio, born c. 490 (according to P.C. Bartram), quite possibly the same chieftain whose son is mentioned in the ancient Gododdin poem as ‘mab Keidyaw’. John Koch and others have discussed Ceidio as a by-form of a longer two element name beginning with *Catu-/Cad-, ‘Battle’.

Dr. Simon Rodway was kind enough to write the following to me on Ceidio:

“Ceidiaw is a 'pet' form of a name in *katu- 'ba tle' with the common hypocoristic ending -iaw (> Mod. Welsh -(i)o) found in Teilo (Old Welsh Teliau) etc., and still productive today (Jaco, Ianto etc.). And yes, it's not possible to say what the second element would have been. But the forms you suggest [Cadwaladr, Cateryn] are among the candidates, especially as this man was a chieftain of Y Gogledd [the North] at the head of some of the royal genealogies. ”

In other words, this Ceidio would originally have had a full-name of the type Cadwaladr or Cateryrn. Unfortunately, we can never know what the second “dropped” element of his name might originally have been. However, if Roman naming practices had been preserved in the North during Arthur’s time, we would reasonably expect a form such as X Artorius Z, where X, the praenomen, was the given name, Artorius was the nomen, i.e. gens or clan name, and Z was the cognomen, i.e. the name of the family line within the gens. A Cad- name, shortened to Ceidio, might well have been one of Arthur’s other names.

Of course, by the time of the 5th-6th centuries, the Roman gens name Artorius may well have been given to a prince as his praenomen. If the name had retained its status as a gens name, then that would mean someone in the Irthing River region actually traced his descent from Lucius Artorius Castus. While this could be either a genuine or fabricated trace, it is also possible the name was remembered as belonging to a famous figure of legend and passed on to a favorite son for that reason alone.

In the contents description of the Harleian recension of Nennius, we find the phrase ‘Arturo rege belligero’, something usually translated as “King Arthur the warrior”. More accurately, this is ‘Arthur the warlike or martial king’. Suppose we allow for rege belligero as an attempt at a literal Latin rendering of something like Cadwaladr or Cateryn?

The fifth century St. Patrick, who I’ve shown came from the Banna fort on Hadrian’s Wall at modern Birdoswald on the Irthing, is known to have had a typical Roman style ‘three-part’ name: Patricius Magonus Sucatus. Patricius is believed to have been his Christian name, assumed after his conversion, but it is just as possible he bore a classic Roman-structured name from birth.  In any event, Patricius is decidely Latin, while Magonus and Sucatus are British names.  

If I’m right about Arthur being a son of Arthwys – or being FROM Arthwys – and we can allow for Ceidio son of Arthwys having originally born a name like Cadwaladr or Cateryn, then it is not inconceivable that Arthur DOES appear in the Northern genealogies after all.

Arthur and Ceidio would be one and the same man.

CEIDIO SON OF ARTHWYS AND POWCADY, CUMBRIA?

According to the early Welsh genealogies, Gwenddolau ('white dales'), who belonged at Carwinley in Cumbria, was the son of Ceidio.  Ceidio as a name is a hypocoristic form of a longer two-part name that begins with *cad-, 'battle.'

Recently, I thought to look for a relic of Ceidio in place-names.  As he was a son of the Arthwys who stands for the *Artenses or People of the Bear of the Irthing Valley, my attention was caught at first by Powcady between the King Water and the Cambeck not far from the Camboglanna Roman fort at Castlesteads.  Early forms for Powcady were late: Pocadie, Pokeadam.  But Alan James proposed that this contained a typical pol- element 'pool in a stream, stream' plus cad-, 'battle', plus perhaps a -ou plural suffix.  I wondered if it could instead contain the name Ceidio/Keidyaw/Ceidiaw.

Powcady is at a footbridge over Peglands Beck, which was earlier known as Polterkened. See


As Polterkened (or at least Kened, as polter may have been added later) was this stream's ancient name, a *pol- of a different name on the same watercourse would designate a pool in this location.  I asked Alan James whether this could be 'Ceidio's Pool.'  He responded:

"Poll Ceidio isn't impossible, though it should be lenited *Geidio (but lenition is a bit iffy in Cumbric pns). So, no, not impossible."

I would very tentatively propose, therefore, that the name Ceidio son of Arthwys/Artenses is preserved at Powcady.

Friday, July 1, 2022

DACIAN INFANTRY WITH THE DRACO ON TRAJAN'S COLUMN

Dacian Infantryman with a Draco
(Scene 31)

I was recently misinformed by a Roman antiquities expert that the Dacian infantry did not carry the draco in the early period - that this was something reserved for the cavalry only.

Well, as is unfortunately so often the case, the expert in question was mistaken.

The images on Trajan's Column not only depict Dacian infantrymen bearing the draco, it is only their infantrymen which do so.  


"Draco: The “flying” dragon standard of the Dacian army. The head of the standard is best described as canine and fanged.  This was attached to a fabric(?) sleeve which was inflated when held up to the wind.  Scenes 25, 31, 38, 59, 64, 66, 75 (surrender scene), 78 (as part of a trophy decoration)."

I have posted the first scene above.  Here are the remainder:





The argument advanced by this same expert - that the Dacian infantry unit stationed at Birdoswald on Hadrian's Wall wouldn't have honored the draco standard - can, therefore, be dispensed with.