Roman Amphitheater in Salona, Croatia
Scholars studying the military career of Lucius Artorius Castus are in agreement about only one thing: the man was definitely buried in Croatia, the ancient Dalmatia (or, more specifically, Liburnia). But when it comes to where this soldier was born, the opinion is divided. Most opt for somewhere in Italy, while a minority looks towards Dalmatia itself.
I would in this brief paper like to cast my vote in favor the the latter location. My reason for doing so lies in the nature of a Greek inscription found in Adana. This particular inscription takes the form of a dedication to a Greek version of Jupiter Fulminator from a Lucius Artorius Marcianus. What follows is the bibliographical information for an article on this inscription, as well as the abstract for the said study:
Lucius artorius marcianus' votive offering to zeus keraunios from the haluk perk museum
Hüseyin Sami Öztürk, C. Pilevneli
Marmara University
January 2013
"This essay presents an inscribed votive offering with the inventory number 604T1 held in the collection of the Haluk Perk Museum in Istanbul. The provenance of the Greek inscription, acquired in 2007, was recorded as from Adana province. The inscription is found on a well- preserved stele. Its translation reads: Lucius Artorius Marcianus, of the Sergian tribe, from Legio XII Keraunophoros (Fulminata), (offered this votive) to Zeus Keraunios. The Legio XII Fulminata ("Casting Thunderbolts") was probably the legio XII recruited by Caesar in 58 BC., which was reformed in 44-43 and then served under Mark Antony. After Actium it was taken over by Caesar Augustus and stationed in Egypt. It was transferred to Syria before A.D. 14, and later its garrison was at Raphaneae. The legion may have been temporarily deployed from Syria to Cappadocia for Corbulo's Armenian campaign of A.D. 57, as it was evidently in Cappadocia when Paetus became governor of that province in 61 and began his ill-fated Armenian campaign. The legio was among the troops of L. Caesennius Paetus, who "shamefully capitulated" in battle against the Parthians. In 66 the legio took part in the failed assault on Jerusalem by the governor of Syria, Cestius Gallus, and later under the command of Titus participated in the siege of Jerusalem. Thereafter Vespasian transferred it to Cappadocia, where it was stationed at Melitene. While at Melitene the Legio XII Fulminata frequently despatched groups of soldiers for service in other parts of Anatolia. It even sent detachments into Armenia under Domitian and again in A.D. 177. The discovery at Adana of an altar dedicated to the legion might indicate diat a detachment of the legion was stationed there at some point in its history. Its loyalty during the revolt of Avidius Cassius in 175 earned it the title of Certa Constans ("the Decisive and Steadfast") from Marcus Aurelius. Its original title was Paterna, which derived from Caesar's honorific title of pater patriae. The absence of the title Certa Constans given by Marcus Aurelius to Legio XII Fulminata in A.D. 175 in this inscription makes it most likely to be dated before this date. The legion was evidently still at Melitene in the late 4th century. The inscription does not indicate where Lucius Artorius Marcianus came from. But in the Latin epigraphic records the nomen Artorius is found most frequently in Rome and Italy, and in Africa Proconsularis, with a few others in the Balkan regions. This evidence suggests that the origin of Lucius Artorius Marcianus and/or his family is more likely with Italy or Africa or, less likely, with the Balkans. The tribe Sergia is often associated with Roman citizens who originated in Roman military colonies. This suggests a provincial and ultimately military origin for the Roman citizenship of Lucius Artorius Marcianus and/or his family. But more importantly, the tribus was rarely included in inscriptions after A.D. 212 as there was no need for this following the Constitutio Antoniniana."
The most important point raised in this analysis of the Adana inscription is the tribal membership of L. Artorius Marcianus. For the gens Sergia was well-represented in exactly the area of Dalmatia (Pituntium) where we find the memorial stone of L. Artorius Castus. To cite John Wilkes (according to Roger Tomlin, "the greatest authority in this country [the UK] on the epigraphy of Dalmatia"):
A recent study on the Artorii in the province of Dalmatia fails to mention the Adana inscription in the context of the Sergia gens:
"The last piece of evidence bearing on this problem is
the assignment to tribes of the early coloniae and municipia
in Dalmatia . Two tribes only are represented, Tromentina and
Sergia . On analogy from other parts of the empire, Sergia
indicates an Augustan foundation (e.g . Pisidian Antioch ) and
in Dalmatia we find Sergia at Iader (Augustan on the evidence
of inscriptions) , Issa (hardly Caesarian) , Acruvium and
Risinium in the south.
Sergia is one of the two tribes common at Salonae...
To better show the geographical proximity of these towns to Pituntium, here is a good map (courtesy https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Map-of-the-Illyrian-coast-with-approximate-survey-areas-and-site-locations_fig1_328248684):
Artorii u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji (The Artorii in the Roman Province of Dalmatia)
March 2012
Miroslav Glavičić
University of Zadar
S u m m a r y
"Conventional wisdom holds that the Artorii of the Roman province of Dalmatia
were a family of Italian descent, which inhabited the area of Salona around
the second century. This assumption is based on two sepulchral inscriptions that
commemorate the equestrian status of Roman officer L. Artorius Castus. The
inscriptions were found in the area of ancient Pituntium, today’s Podstrana. The
inscription marked CIL III, 1919=8513=12813, the two passages of which were
until recently built into the outer walls of the church of Saint Martin in Podstrana
as spolia, lists the imposing cursus honorum of L. Artorius Castus, who had a
distinguished military career (centurio, primus pilus, praepositus, praefectus, dux).
Since the inscription chronologically lists the order he conducted his duties in, it
is clear that L. Artorius Castus ended his career serving in the controversial role of
regent of the region of Liburnia (procurator centenarius provinciae Liburniae iure
gladi). A passage on the second inscription (CIL III, 12791=14224) lists only his
name and the two duties he performed as an officer. Upon completing his duties as
regent, L. Artorius Castus withdrew to his estate in Pitunia, where he lived out the
rest of his life in peace. This is where he was entombed in the mausoleum he built
»during his life for himself and his family«. The inscription clearly lists sibi et suis,
with the possible reconstruction [ex te]st(amento), which suggests that L. Arturius
Castus lived there with his family, and had heirs. The spatially closest inscription to
bear mention of the Artorius name was documented in nearby Jesenice (Nareste),
where a tombstone (CIL III, 8476) mentioning Aurelia Ursina, who had erected
a monument to her deceased mother Artoria Privata, was found. An inscription
from Klis (CIL III, 2520=8641) commemorates L. Gellius Artorius, son of
Gellius Felix and Artoria Secundina. It is important to point out that this inscription
documents a woman from the Artorius family and her son, whose praenomen was
changed to Lucius and cognomen to Artorius, which derives from his mother’s
gentilicium, and which could indicate close family ties to L. Artorius Castus. One
Artorius Felicissimus of Narona, was known to have erected a monument to his
wife Aemelia Barbara (CIL III, 1846=8425). Considering the inscription it bears,
queius beneficio me exportavi Salona, its origins must be connected to the Artorius
family from the regional capital. The fragmented remains of a tombstone in Salona
(CIL III, 9403) commemorate one C. Vibius Firmus, however, along with his
official title (tria nomina) it also lists his nickname, qui et Artorius. The vocabulum
he was known by among his peers, perhaps even more so than his official title,
alludes to his potential connections to the Artorius family.
All of the above mentioned inscriptions bearing the gentilicia Artorius, based
on their epigraphic characteristics, belong to the period of the late Principate, i.e.
they can be roughly placed in the period of the late 2nd and early 3rd centuries.
While we cannot make the claim with certainty, what we know today is certainly
sufficient to assume that the first Artorius to inhabit the territory of Salona was L.
Artorius Castus. During the later period in Salona and its territories, the family
grew and developed, and the last documented mention of the gentilicia Artorius
in Salona is found on the inscription of a sarcophagus from the late 3rd or early 4th
centuries (CIL III, 9226), where Artoria Frontina is commemorated."
The omission of the Adana inscription's possible significance in the context of determing the birthplace of L. Artorius Castus is unfortunate. When I discussed the very real possibility of this man's origin in Dalmatia, rather than in Italy (where the gens Sergia originated [1]), with Roger Tomlin, he responded thusly:
"I agree with you that there is quite a chance that Artorius Marcianus came from Dalmatia rather than Italy, and that Artorius Castus, by being buried in Dalmatia, quite likely came from there. But Artorius is quite a common nomen, and we do not know what tribe Artorius Castus belonged to. The coincidence you have noted makes a Dalmatian connection more likely, but cannot be conclusive. Still, the Adana inscription is certainly worth noting."
While the kind of measured, cautious response one would expect from the Professor, I take this as sufficient endorsement for the plausibility of a Dalmatian origin for L. Artorius Castus.
Professor Anthony Birley merely told me - "It's likely enough that LAC was born in Dalmatia." This echoes what he said on p. 152 of his THE ROMAN GOVERNMENT OF BRITAIN:
"Northern Italy, where a good many Statii are attested, or one of the cities of the Dalmatian coast look
likely areas for his home."
The question may come up regarding the dates for the Sergian city foundations in Dalmatia. This obviously has a bearing on whether L. Artorius could have been born there or whether he instead came from Italy. The answer to this question was kindly supplied to me by Dr. Dino Demicheli (https://www.academia.edu/16334519/Dalmatians_in_the_Roman_Imperial_Fleet):
"The Sergian foundations in Dalmatia can be dated to the period of 1st c. BC and the beginning of the 1st c. AD."
This means that L. Artorius Castus could easily have been born in Dalmatia in terms of the historical chronology.
Mattia Vitelli Casella of the University of Bologna's Department of History and Cultures (author of "The Romanization of the province of Dalmatia through the women’s inscriptions") had this to share with me:
"As for the foundation and voting tribe of the inhabitants of Pituntium, we can't affirm that it was a Sergian 'foundation', because it was until Marcus Aurelius a peregrine community and then with no tribe. Just at that time it was included in the ager of Salona, whose citizens were partly enrolled in the Sergia. Unluckily we have no inscriptions with mentioned tribe from Pituntium.
As for L. Artorius Castus, Dr. Casella thinks my hypothesis makes sense. "I would suggest his [LAC's] origin from Salona. As I know, he held familiary estates in Pituntium, but he should be a Salonitan citizen. "
Pituntium as being in the ager of Salona is discussed in more detail in ZBORNIK INSTITUTA ZA ARHEOLOGIJU SERTA INSTITUTI ARCHAEOLOGICI KNJIGA VOLUME 10 Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places by Željko Miletić and Silvia Bekavac:
"The network of centuriae belonging to the Eastern part of the Salonitan ager stretched out across the area of the present-day Strožanac, along the littoral part of the Lower Poljica, i.e. in the territory of Pituntium, as evidenced by the remnants of the regular square units (centuriae) of the fossilized landscape from the times of antiquity, as well as by the discovery of a cadastre pillar containing the marks and the direction of the cardo and decumanus (ILJug 1, 119; Suić 1955: 19; Gabričević 1952: 155–167; Wilkes 1974: 266; Maršić 2003: 436; 2014: 167; Borzić 2014: 83). However, the question remains whether these square land plots on the left-hand bank of the River Žrnovnica correspond to those found in the territory of Salona, situated at the opposite, right-hand bank. In other words, the orientation of the centuriae corresponds to those that are found in the Salonitan part of the territory, but the numerical marcation of the directions carved on the boundary stone do not correspond to the proposed numeration of the „Salonitan“ cardo and decumanus.1 This discrepancy has thus far been interpreted as the result of the secondary implementation of the centuriation of the relevant part of the ager, which proposedly led to a separate, secondary numeration of boundaries that would not have been correspondent to the original one (Alföldy 1965: 106; Wilkes 1969: 228; Campbell 2000: 469; Borzić 2014: 81). In contrast to such interpretations, we believe the aforementioned discrepancy to stem from an inaccurate interpretation of the centuriation process. Several important facts seem to support such a claim. Regardless of the actual timing of the centuriation, it may be reliably claimed that, at least at the moment in which the centuriae had been organized in the Pituntine space, that this territory represented a constituent part of Colonia Salona’s ager. Moreover, had the Pituntine, the Nerastine, and the Onastine constituted peregrine communities (civitates peregrinorum) beforehand, and bearing in mind that such res publicae were autonomous, then the occupation of their territory on the part of another res publica (Salona) would have been illegal. Whether this were the case of a primary centuriation of Salona, or a subsequent extension, is immaterial, as plot subdivision in the area of Pituntium had been carried out in the Salonitan territory. In other words, castella Pituntium, Neraste and Oneum could only have been a part of the lower-level constituent territorial units within the Salonitan territory, of the pagus or praefectura type. This represents the customary Roman land-administrative internal subdivision of the municipal ager, confirmed in numerous inscriptions across the Roman world (the colony of Narona and pagus Scunasticus, listed in ILJug 1, 113, is an illustrative example). The population of these castles mentioned by Pliny, irrespective of the legal status of individuals within them, including the individuals with the autochthonous peregrine status did in fact belong to the single respublica Salona, i.e. inhabited the ager of the colony of Salona.
Pituntium, Neraste, and Oneum represented the districts (pagi) within the unitary territory of Salona. Although there were segments of the population with a peregrine status within the said pagi, the three communities did not have the status of peregrine civitates, but made a part of the ager of the colony. Each of the pagi had the defined boundaries, and the respective administrative structure that was subjected to the central authority in Salona. The term of castellum, utilized by Pliny (NH3, 142) in reference to Pituntium, Neraste, and Oneum, denoted the centre of each of the pagi, where the sanctuaries dedicated to patron deities (paganicum) were the dominant structures: to Venus in Petuntium, to the pairing of Diana and Asclepius in Neraste, and to Divine Emperors in Oneum (Fig. 9)."
Professor Miletic was kind enough to write the following to me via email:
"A few years ago, I wrote an article (in English) with my colleague Silvia Bekavac about the status of the Pituntium, Nerastae and Oneum communities. Our conclusion is that from the very foundation of the colony they belong to the ager of Salona. Thus, the demarcations between the communities are not demarcations between civitates peregrinorum, but between administrative districts (pagi or praefecturae?) within the eastern part of the territory of Salona. Onomastic records, cult, shrines… do not show any element of the peregrine status of Pituntium. We are not quite sure if LAC was born there, i.e. in Salona, but the choice of burial place goes in favor of that, as do other people named Artorius who appear there."
"A few years ago, I wrote an article (in English) with my colleague Silvia Bekavac about the status of the Pituntium, Nerastae and Oneum communities. Our conclusion is that from the very foundation of the colony they belong to the ager of Salona. Thus, the demarcations between the communities are not demarcations between civitates peregrinorum, but between administrative districts (pagi or praefecturae?) within the eastern part of the territory of Salona. Onomastic records, cult, shrines… do not show any element of the peregrine status of Pituntium. We are not quite sure if LAC was born there, i.e. in Salona, but the choice of burial place goes in favor of that, as do other people named Artorius who appear there."
Fig. 9
From "A contribution to the topography (and the interpretation) of the so-called oriental cults from the territory of Salona, in: “Sacrum Facere. Atti del V Seminario di Archeologia del Sacro. Sacra peregrina. La gestione della pluralità religiosa nel mondo antico”, EUT , Trieste, 2019, pp. 257-290, Palma Karković Takalić, University of Rijeka:
"According to Suić ager salonitanus originally extended from Kaštel Stari (located in the middle of the Kaštelan Bay) in the north-west, Klis in the north and Epetion (Stobreč; river Žrnovnica) in the southeast. It seems, however, that from the time of Claudius [AD 41 to 54] it expanded in size, so that the areas of Tragurion in the west and the community of Pituntium located south-east of Epetion were also included. Suić 1955, pp. 17-19. It is hard to say whether this or perhaps some other later expansions also involved the territory of Narestae and Oneum located more south-east (in the mainland), and the island of Brač. The area of the city itself is marked by its position in the deep and protective Bay of Kaštela (Kaštelanski zaljev), the stream of the river Jadro, and the steep cliffs of the Klis Mountain in the hinterlands. The rest of the territory includes three vast, mainly agrarian areas of the Fields of Kaštela, Solin and Split (Kaštelansko, Solinsko and Splitsko polje), with a few zones of deciduous forest, while on the north-western and south eastern borders of ager, the fertile soil belt narrows towards the coast in favour of the karst terrain. In short, the territory of Colonia Maria Iulia Salona could be defined as agrarian and maritime. It is considered the biggest in the territory of Dalmatia, but not bigger than, for example, the ager of colonia Pola in Histria. On the territory of Salona, Suić 1955, pp. 17-20; Borzić 2014, pp. 81-82; Jadrić-Kučan 2014, 167-168."
Professor Drazen Marsic sent me this on the early relationship of Salona and Pituntium:
D. Maršić, Ancient profile of Podstrana and its surroundings, “Lucius Artorius Castus and the King Arthur Legend”, Proceedings of the international scientific conference held in Podstrana from March 30 to April 2, 2012, ed. N. Cambi - J. Matthews, Split, 2014, 187-230.
My current opinion is this one: there are a number of elements that support the thesis that Pituntium came under the auspices of Salona very early, let's say somewhere in the time of Augustus, i.e. the time of the founding of the colony. These are the elements or reasons:
1. Proximity to Salona. Salona is only 4-5 roman miles from the western part of Pituntium. Epetium has the same distance, and judging by the remnants of limitation (centuriation) was certainly under the auspices of Salona. Unfortunately, we do not know where the western border of roman Pituntium really was, but we assume it according to the configuration of the terrain (maybe somewhere between modern Strožanac and Podstrana?).
2. At the western end of Strožanac, smaller traces of centuriation have been preserved, and a square cipus terminus has been discovered. We know that the possession of a roman city often extended over the surveyed territory, and in this case it would have to be in the direction of Pituntium/Podstrana.
3. There are strong indications that Issa and Pharos once were organized as salonitan prefecturae. The basis for these indications is the inscription from Salona CIL 3 14712 and tittle „praefectura phariaca“. Some old authors believed it mentions the body that took care of the lighthouse, ie the lighthouse service (like A. Betz), and others that it is a territorial unit (like M. Suić, G. Alföldy , J. Wilkes). For the last two years I have been intensively studying the inscription and other material heritage in the Roman world in search of some analogies to the lighthouse thesis and there is NOTHING, ZERO. I believe that CIL 14712 mentions territorial organization (praefectura) which were numerous in Italy at that time (at first I believed in the lighthouse thesis). If Vis and Hvar were Salonitan prefectures (and consequently the islands of Solta and Brač) I don't see how much closer Pituntium would be outside of Salona? If the peregrini of Issa (Vis), Solentia (Šolta), and others fell under the Salonitan legal conventum (Pliny, NH, III 141-142), but also under the administration of Salona (thesis about prefecturae), why wouldn't that be the case with the Pituntini as well? In my opinion, the presence of well known termination inscriptions is not evidence for the contrary thesis (Alföldy thinks so). There are serious indications that in the time of Claudius the ager centuriatus of Salona expanded to the west (in the direction of Trogir), so the same may have happened to the east but without centuriation??? I do not see how the territory organized as autonomous, in the 2nd century would lose that status and enter to Salona (Alföldy thesis)?
If these scholars are correct, we might assume that LAC was born in Salona, and then given an estate in Pituntium during the reign of Marcus Aurelius. As it happens, this fits the timeline for LAC's military career:
dies natalis c. 104 miles 121-135 centurio legionis III Gallicae 135-138 centurio legionis VI Ferratae 139-142 centurio legionis II Adiutricis 143-146 centurio legionis V Macedonicae 147-150 primus pilus legionis V Macedonicae 151 praepositus classis Misenatium 152-154 praefectus castrorum legionis VI Victricis 155-162 dux legionariorum et auxiliorum Britannicorum adversus Armenios 162-166 procurator centenarius provinciae Liburniae 167-174
[1] For the gens Sergia in Italy, see
***
If Lucius Artorius Castus was born and died in Dalmatia, we might want to take a look at Statius Priscus, who may well have been born in that country himself. It was this Statius who took LAC with him to Armenia.
From Professor John Wilkes (personal communication):
"Moreover, since there are several records of Artorii from Dalmatia, it seems probable that his military career was honoured in his native land.
Importantly, I find Birley discussing Statius Priscus, himself probably from Dalmatia, as there are several St. attested there, being hand-picked by Julius Severus OF DALMATIA (although, it should be noted, Anthony Birley places Priscus's birthplace in Italy; see Viri Militares Moving from West to East in Two Crisis Years (Ad 133 and 162) and Two Governors of Dacia Superior and Britain).
This Priscus was governor of Britain, and went straight from there in an emergency mode to Armenia. He had a great victory there."
Roger Tomlin allows for the possibility that Statius Priscus was from Dalmatia, not Italy (the latter being favored by Birley):
"Alföldy's Konsulat und Senatorenstandwhich (p. 314) suggests a Dalmatian origin for Statius Priscus. I don't see that the Luceria inscription proves any more than that Priscus married his daughter to the first Fufidius Pollio. Considering they were generals in adjoining provinces, this isn't a surprise. It was the family of Fufidius Pollio which came from Luceria, and remained there. No need for Priscus to limit his choice of a son-in-law to his own home town."
In commenting on https://www.academia.edu/36801644/The_Statii_of_Risinium, Tomlin continues:
"It's a very rich collection, and confirms that Statius Priscus could have come from Dalmatia despite the Camodeca inscription – which only shows that his daughter married into the Luceria family. SP had a very wide-ranging career, and must have made many contacts in the course of it, besides his spell at Rome as a senior senator."
