Thursday, September 26, 2024

THE PROBLEM OF LIBURNIA JUST WON'T GO AWAY


An important statement I had overlooked from Wilkes' DALMATIA...

After citing his guess that Artorius had fought in Armorica under Commodus, Wilkes says about Castus' Liburnian procuratorship "as special governor (procurator iure gladii) -

"No other person is attested as holding such a post, which must have represented an infringement of the power of the consular senator governing Dalmatia. It may have been another appointment made by Perennis.  Even allowing for the confusion which must have followed the Marcomannic Wars one would hardly have expected trouble in Liburnia, the most urbanized area of the province."

It is this last point that is critical.  Why would Castus have been made governor with power of the sword over part of Dalmatia when the wars were over?

The only time that makes sense for such a rank is the ONSET of those wars, when we are specifically told in the sources that Verus and Marcus, right around 170 A.D. or a little before, militarily reorganized Dalmatia.  This included recruiting the hillman and bandits of the region. One of the principal roles of a procurator was to recruit.  

I've written pretty extensively about this, and over a dozen scholars in the Balkans agree that Castus' procuratorship must have occurred in the early period, not when the Marcomannic Wars had been ended by Commodus.  I really only have a couple of holdout scholars, and these are men who pushed the late theory early on and have refused to consider the evidence and reasonable logical argument in favor of the earlier founding of the province.  Included among these scholars are Dr. Linda A. Malcor.

One question only remaining for us, really:  does not the iure gladii rank point to a situation more in line with what was going on in Dalmatia at the beginning of the Wars, rather than at the end?  I can't imagine why he would have had to have the right of the sword AFTER the Wars.

If Commodus wanted to reward Castus for his role in the Perennis affair, he could have just appointed him procurator of all of Dalmatia and let him enjoy a peaceful term prior to retirement.  The iure gladii would have been unnecessary.  

A few of my earlier articles on the subject of the founding date for Liburnia:


https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2021/02/the-date-of-lucius-artorius-castuss.html 


Tomlin's response received one day after I sent him the query:

"This is a good point, even if it might be evaded by diehards. The ius gladii makes better sense at the beginning of a military crisis, not after it was over, especially in coastal Dalmatia. But it is emphasised in the inscription, so it might be argued that it was regarded as an honour – to give a successful equestrian-rank general quasi-senatorial status as a reward – rather than a necessary part of his special office. But why not then simply vice legati? The balance of the argument tilts very much your way."

I then asked him a follow-up question:

"I think vice legati not likely unless he were that over all of Dalmatia. The division of Liburnia from Dalmatia is a true separation. He wouldn't be acting legate for just part of Dalmatia, but rather for all of it.  He would be vice legati of the whole of Dalmatia only if there currently weren't a real governor. He wouldn't be acting governor of a new division of a province already ruled over by a governor. 

Is this not correct?"

To which he replied:

"That's right. When I referred to the term vice legati I meant only that it would be the accepted way of honouring an equestrian governor with quasi-senatorial status, not iure gladii, which would suggest special powers. Which are what we suspect here."

For those who want my Arthur book that associates the Dark Age Arthur with a Castus who went to Armenia (in terms of name transference through the centuries in the North), please see





Tuesday, September 24, 2024

AND ROUND AND ROUND WE GO WITH ARMORICA AND ARMENIA FOR L. ARTORIUS CASTUS

Armenia Vs. Armorica

As dating of the L. Artorius Castus memorial stone has settled on a time period that supports Castus having led legionary detachments from Britain to either Armorica or Armenia, I naturally find different scholars who are lining up in favor of one or the other possibility.  The following correspondence is from Professor John Bodel of Brown University:


"I'm afraid there is nothing paleographically distinctive enough to decide between the two proposed dates of 160s for Armenia or 180s for the Deserters' War -- either would fit well enough for a stone in the 190s, especially in a provincial context, where norms were different everywhere. For what it is worth, your historical arguments in favor of the Deserters' War make good sense to me." 

[Note that I had also provided the Professor with the evidence in support of Armenia.]

This follows on the heels of Dr. Benet Salway declaring that either Armenia or Armorica would work.

What remains the most striking fact arguing in favor of Armorica for Castus is Cassius Dio's account of the 1500 British spearmen who went to Rome.  The number cited happens to match perfectly what we would expect for Castus' vexillations, which were drawn from the three British legions, i.e. a fairly typical 500 men taken from each legion.

There are only two other "facts" holding us back from immediately accepting Dio's described mission with that of Castus's: a possible conflict with a certain Priscus' mission in the period around the time of the Deserters' War and the difficulty in accounting for the regional term Armorica being used to designate the deserters under Maternus.  I will once again address both of these issues in turn.

A. Priscus with Germanic, not British troops

I had dispensed with the idea that it was not LAC who commanded these spearmen, but instead the Priscus who was offered the Imperial title by troops in Britain:




The point is that no one who had removed Priscus from Britain because of an attempt to make him Emperor would have afterwards put Britons under his command on the Continent.  Tomlin himself declared:

"What you say about the other Priscus is fair enough. He had demonstrated his loyalty as far as British troops were concerned, and since usurpers were expected any way to show initial hesitation ('le réfus de pouvoir'), I can well imagine the authorities would have removed him, just to be on the safe side."

The fragmentary evidence of the relevant inscriptions and what we know of the involvement of Germany and Gaul in the Deserters' War points instead to Priscus having led German troops. [1]  If this is so, it frees us up to once more consider LAC as the officer who led the 1500 spearmen to Rome.

[1]

The following examples are known of GERMANICARUM and BRITANNICARUM in the inscriptions:



5 confirmed instances of Germanicarum



1 possible instance of Britannicarum (the Priscus stone, ironically!)

And here is the reconstruction of Priscus' career as prepared by Professor Roger Tomlin:

"Our basic problem, as you know, is whether we can pull all these inscriptions together and refer them to the same man – (1) Titus Caunius Priscus, legate of III Augusta who is about to become consul (but we don't know when); (2) the legate of III Augusta called ]CO LEG[, who is in post under Commodus; (3) the consul of Commodus in c.191 who is called ]VNIO ... [...]CO. Identifying (3) with (2) depends on seeing his latest command as III Augusta, not II Italica (as in Birley p. 261, following Gregori and Alföldy). From what I can see of the stone, this is possible, and better suits his titulature.

If you do identify the three, you get a long and interesting senatorial career crowned by the consulship at the end of Commodus' reign. In ascending order:

legate of VI Victrix (but bear in mind that this is a restoration – we only know for sure that it was a legion with P F in its titulature)

legate of V Macedonica

field-commander of vexillations drawn from a provincial army ending in –NNICARVM , which may be reconstructed as the 'British' legions. However, the first N is doubtful and this could be 'Germanicarum' instead.

legate of III Augusta (which depends on a re-reading of the Rome inscription)

consul, c. 191

If this is seen as the career of Caunius Priscus, which I think is reasonable (but not certain), then you get a tight chronology if you try to fit it to the second-rate literary record.

Priscus is legate of VI Victrix in 184, when Commodus becomes Britannicus and the British army tries to proclaim the legate Priscus. He is promoted for his loyalty, and also to get him out of Britain – becoming legate of V Macedonica. As such, he is made acting-commander of a field force composed of British or Germanic troops.

He is successful in this command – i.e. he kills Maternus – and as a reward gets the plum post of III Augusta which is a provincial governorship as well and naturally leads to the consulship.

I think you can squeeze it all together, since his legionary command in Britain would have ended with his refusal to become a usurper, and he could have commanded the vexillations during his next post, the command of V Macedonica.

I leave it to you to decide whether the vexillations were 'British' or "German' or to be identified with the 1500 spearmen who killed Perennis, or whether LAC should be associated with the latter."

Conclusion: Coming from Macedonia, Priscus is much more likely to have commanded Germanic troops, simply from a geographical standpoint.  And I still maintain that he never would have been put in command of British troops on the Continent after being removed from Britain because the troops there tried to make him Emperor. While it is assumed Priscus' troops were employed against deserters, we really don't know what they were being used for.  But we do know the Deserters' War affected Germany as well as Gaul.  

B. An Armorican Uprising and the Deserters of Maternus

Professor Roger Tomlin is of the opinion that ARMORICOS would not have been used to indicate a military action of legionary vexillations against Maternus' deserters. However, our sources state that the origin point of the Deserters' War was the province of Gallia Lugdunensis, a region that contained Armorica.

Tomlin insists that other terms would have been used for the deserters.  

Still, we can imagine a situation in which the deserters initial success sparked an open rebellion of the tribes in Armorica and that it was to this event that Castus was responding. 

As for the mission to Rome, this looks like (as has been proposed before by other writers) the escorting of the displaced senators, who when they reached the capital made their complaint against Perennis.  While it has been suggested that the size of the escort was so unusually large because it had to pass through the region afflicted by the Deserters' War, if we adopt this view we cannot account for the ADVERSUS ARM[...]S on the Castus stone. It seems much more likely that one of two things happened:

1) after successfully concluding their action in Armorica, Castus and his troops continued on to Rome with the senators 

or

2) the historical account is somewhat confused, mistakenly identifying a smaller honor guard sent out from the larger force for the express purpose of safely returning the senators to Rome. 

Conclusion: There is no reason, so far as I can see, why ARMORICOS could not be on Castus's stone.  Certainly, it is difficult to ignore/discount the mission of the 1500 when it so perfectly matches the description of the three legionary detachments on Castus's memorial.  Once again, we have no other such account of British legionary vexillations going anywhere in the time period we are considering.  To me, this has always seemed just too much of a coincidence. 

One major problem about equating the mission of the 1500 spearmen with that of Castus: Dio insists that the British soldiers did not meet any resistance on their way to Rome.  This points to the group being an escort or honor guard for the displaced senators I discussed above.  There is no mention of action in Gaul by the 1500.  

Of course, what this all comes down to, really, is whatever someone wishes to believe is true.  As both Armenia and Armoricos are possibilities, and both can be defended with good arguments and even some evidence, I cannot myself lay claim to having uncovered any kind of certain answer to the problem posed by the fragmentary ARM[...]S on the Castus inscription.

I can only go with what my "gut" tells me is right.  And my gut won't let go of the "problem of Liburnia" - a problem I am returning to in my next blog post.  


Wednesday, September 11, 2024

Another Academic Heavyweight on ARMATOS for the Castus Memorial Stone


To date, I've not found a single respected, mainstream scholar who will accept ARMATOS as a reading for the fragmentary ARM[...]S in the L. Artorius Castus inscription.

Now, although rather late to the game, Dr. John Pearce (https://www.kcl.ac.uk/people/john-pearce), another epigraphic expert, has made his opinion known on the matter:

"While Armatos has the merit of fitting nicely, I’m not sure it would suit the context enough. With adversus one would expect either an ethnonym or some labelling of opponents with a pejorative and/ or fearsome term, rebels, deserters, hostes etc. Armati is quite neutral, I think, and wouldn’t provide the fearsome / despicable connotation for an enemy against whom he was the famed dux. Also it seems very rare as an epigraphic term, showing up mainly as a synonym for soldiers on some of the texts about who’s entitled to support from the cursus publicist."

NOTE:

Dr. Benet Salway (https://www.ucl.ac.uk/history/people/academic-staff/dr-benet-salway) has also chimed in on this matter, saying only that ARMATOS does not work for all the reasons other scholars have expressed, but mostly because when the word is used there is always a qualifier or contextual clue as to who the armed men are, or at least where they are.

Monday, September 9, 2024

MY DISCUSSION WITH DR. BENET SALWAY ON THE AGE AND FRAGMENTARY 'ARM[...]S' OF THE L. ARTORIUS CASTUS INSCRIPTION

[Since writing this piece, I recalled some earlier work I had done with Professor Roger Tomlin on the LAC stone.

What he came up with actually allows us to retain ARMENIOS as the most likely reading for the fragmentary ARM[...]S of the inscription:

If you have LAC commissioned directly into the centurionate and allow him to be in his mid-40s, rather than mid-50s, when he goes to Armenia in the early 160s,  and then have him made procurator of Liburnia c. 168, he would then be around 50.  Let him serve a decade or so  (the Marcomannic Wars ended in 182), then retire.  He may have made his stone anytime during the reign of Commodus,  which is when the procurator centenarius formula first shows up.  In 180 (when Commodus started ruling on his own),  LAC would be in his early 70s.  In 190, his early 80s.  There is nothing far-fetched or unrealistic about this - even if we allow for LAC having retired prior to the end of the Marcomannic Wars.  He still could have lived in retirement for enough years to take him to the time of Commodus and to have then carved his memorial stone.  

Tomlin has pointed out to me that some soldiers' careers could be very long indeed.  He cites Pflaum for Cn. Marcius Rustius Rufinus, who became centurion in the reign of Marcus, and proceeded through a series of posts like those held by LAC to become Severus' praefectus vigilum in c. 207, enjoying a 30-year career.

As ARMENIOS still makes the most sense with ADVERSUS (as we would expect terms other than ARMORICOS to be used for the Deserters' War of the 180s, given that it was not Armorica itself that was in open rebellion against Rome), and as the foundation date of Liburnia was almost certainly c. 169-170, and as the Roman governor of Britain Statius Priscus was sent to command the Armenia War, etc., the argument for Armenia remains very strong. While it is tempting to equate the 1500 British spearmen who went to Rome under Commodus with Castus' three legionary vexillations, the former are not said to fight against anyone and it is likely they were merely an honor guard escorting the senators who had been replaced by equestrians by Perennis' order. With the Deserters' War in full swing in Gaul and perhaps elsewhere, the size of the escort need not surprise us.

I ran Tomlin's proposed timeline for Castus by Dr. Salway. He responded merely by saying "Yes, all perfectly plausible."]

The L. Artorius Castus Memorial Stone

Stone with ARM[...]S Restored as ARMENIOS

Stone with ARM[...]S Restored as ARMORICOS

I've just had a wonderful discussion (via email) with Dr. Benet Salway regarding the probable age of the LAC stone.  For information on Dr. Salway, please see his university page:


For the sake of intellectual honesty, I'm presenting our entire conversation unedited.  The conclusion was, I must admit, rather unexpected.  For as it turns out, Dr. Salway's dating of the stone fits the proposed ARMORICOS reading, and not that of ARMENIOS.

My contribution is in plain font, while Dr. Salway's is in italics.

Dear Salway:

I have been kindly referred to you by your colleague, Dr, Will Wooton.  He thinks you may be able to help with the following matter.

I'm trying to pinpoint the age as accurately as possible for a Roman funeral memorial stone based on the style of carving and the use of specific artistic motifs.  I realize this can be a hazardous undertaking and that what I'm seeking may not be possible.  But as there is a critical fragment missing from the stone that would otherwise have allowed for much more precise dating, I thought taking a look at a possible date range based on other considerations might be beneficial.

May I send you a good photographic image of the stone in question?  It concerns one Lucius Artorius Castus and was erected at Split, Croatia.

Dear Mr Hunt,

Yes, certainly. As Dr Wooton warns, dating by stylistic criteria is a very uncertain science but I am happy to have a look, if you want to send me the photo.

Here it is, Dr. Salway.

Without meaning to influence you one way or the other, the fragmentary ARM[...]S is the main
problem with the stone.  If it reads ARMENIOS, as most think, then we are talking about this
prefect of the Sixth going with the British governor Statius Priscus to Armenia in the 160s (this
is the view of Tomlin and even Birley, just before the latter's passing).  But with ligatures allowed
chronologically and geographically, ARMORICOS also fits the stone.  This could refer to the
Deserters' War under Commodus, although no one thinks "against Armorica" is a likely rendering
for that event (as Armorica was not in open rebellion from the Empire and any number of other
terms designating Maternus and his bandits would instead have been used). 

I will be very interested to hear your thoughts on the stone.

I should hastily add that the Liburnian procuratorship Castus held after the ARM[...]S mission may reflect the attested military reorganization of Dalmatia under Marcus and Verus at the onset of the Marcomannic Wars. This occurred after the completion of the Armenian and Parthian ventures. 

It is difficult to posit the Liburnian position being created under Commodus, as he put an end to the Marcomannic Wars. 

But that's really all I can think of in terms of dating the stone based on a theoretical reconstruction of the inscription.

Coming to the stone cold without any presuppositions and basing my opinion purely on the script, I would favour a date in the Severan period (AD 193-235) or up to a decade or so later. I base this on the high degree of ligaturing in the design.

I don’t think that this helps enormously in deciding where the British legionary troops may have been led in campaign to, except to say that there were obviously opportunities for action against the Armenians by British-based troops in the second Parthian War of Septimius Severus, the eastern campaigns of Caracalla, Severus Alexander, and Gordian III.

[ABOUT THE LIGATURES TO WHICH DR. SALWAY REFERS...

Allowing for an NI in ARMENIOS or both an IR and CO in ARMORICOS, there are 14 or 15 separate ligatures on the stone.  In one case 3 letters are conjoined. This makes for a total of either 29 or 31 ligatured letters.]

Thank you!

Dio has 1500 British spearmen go to Rome to get rid of Perennis. As Castus takes detachments from the 3 British legions, and given legionary lancemen could be used for this purpose at this time, am I not correct that 500 men drawn from each British legion could well account for the 1500 who went to Rome?

This force has been associated with the Deserters' War as well.

Would the stylistic dating of the stone fit, say, in the 190s? Allowing for the Liburnian procuratorship AFTER the fall of Perennis and the stone's carving during Castus' retirement?

Tomlin points out the lack of evidence for British troops in the later Armenian wars.

I did find out that the 'proc cent' formula of the inscription cannot be found prior to the very end of Commodus's reign.

Final question...

Would the following reconstruction of the fragmentary ARM[...]S be satisfactory, in your opinion?

Note I did find other inscriptions in Croatia within the date spread of Antonine-Severan displaying the o in C ligature in text bodies that are otherwise similar or identical in style to that of the Castus stone.  

image.png


Both supplements are possible in the space, as you demonstrate.

But Armenios is more plausible because there is no evidence from elsewhere on this stone that this particular drafter (ordinator) employs ‘nesting’.

Whereas there a several examples of ligaturing I by extending an upright.

Right.

I have found other stones, though, where nesting (of o in C) seems to be the only single example occurring
in the text.

Please see  the following - I could be wrong about this!  Let me know?  Thank you again for spending all your time on this problem. 

Examples of o within C ligatures (the first is from Roman Liburnia, in approximately the same time period as the LAC stone, while the second shows that larger o letters could be carved within a C):

Figure 1
 CIL 03, 02809 = Grbic 00011]

Figure 2
 ILAfr 00009 = ILTun 00001 = ILPBardo 00022 = D 09177 = LBIRNA 00332 = AE 1909, 00104 = AE 1986, 00704 = Kaschuba-1994, 00086]

Another example of CO ligature from around the time of LAC in Dalmatia:


From the splendid http://lupa.at/search site, when searching under the Antonine and Antonine-Severan periods in Dalmatia, I found another O inside a C ligature dated between 171 AD – 230 AD:


The same Website gives other examples from Dalmatia in the same time periods that demonstrate just how inventive such ligature could become:  

(C inside the O!)

(with an E inside the C!)

(the O partly inside the C for consularis - to which we may compare the small o often found butted up against a larger C for the word cohors)

I don’t have much to add. Your comparanda indeed show that Armoricos is possible.

Thank you, Dr. Salway.

So... IF we go with Armoricos, for the sake of argument, and connect that with the Deserters' War and
the Perennis incident, and given the procuratorship in Liburnia following that (of several years duration?) and sufficient time in retirement, could the stone be realistically placed in the early 190s?  And still work  according to your ligature-use dating method?

Is that all acceptable?

Yes, that would be fine.

And lastly, if you are going to publish a reconstruction of the inscription, please note that those reconstructions of the last line with [ex te]st cannot be right. Given that Castus commissioned the monument while alive ‘vivus’ as it definitely says, it can’t also be ‘by his will’. So [posu]it or [fec]it is to be preferred in the last line.

[Roger Tomlin agrees with Salway on this point, saying "You might with great difficulty find someone in his lifetime expressly making arrangements 'by his will'. CIL iii 8727 (Salona) seems to be an example. But VIVUS SIBI by itself is so frequent and stereotyped that I am sure Benet is right."]

Good luck!

***
CONCLUSION

Armenia of the early 160s suddenly doesn't look so good for the LAC stone...

Miletic, a Croatian scholar, supplies the following hypothetical career chronology for Castus.

Fifty years of service at the age of about 70 podines retired to the peace of his estate,
outlived the province.
dies natalis c. 104
miles 121-135
centurio legionis III Gallicae 135-138
centurio legionis VI Ferratae 139-142
centurio legionis II Adiutricis 143-146
centurio legionis V Macedonicae 147-150
primus pilus legionis V Macedonicae 151
praepositus classis Misenatium 152-154
praefectus castrorum legionis VI Victricis 155-162
dux legionariorum et auxiliorum Britannicorum adversus
Armenians
162-166
procurator centenarius provinciae Liburniae 167-174

If Salway is right about the dating of the stone (and even Professor Roger Tomlin, in subsequent private communication on Salway's assessment of the dating of the epitaph on palaeographical grounds, has admitted he may well be! 1), then it is impossible, I would say, to extend the LAC inscription well into the 190s.  Given that there is zero evidence to support the notion of British troops being used in the Armenian enterpises of later emperors, and given the presence of the 1500 spearmen in the Perennis episode (still the only recorded historical episode of the use of three British vexillations on the Continent in the period we are considering), the best argument for ARM[...]S continues to be ARMORICOS.  

1

Tomlin:

"The letters are so well formed that I would rather see them as 'Antonine'. (But this may only be natural pessimism, a belief that letter-cutting declines in quality.) True, ligatures much increase in Severan inscriptions."

I followed that up with this last question to Dr. Salway:

So... no problem with the well-formed letters of the Castus inscription for a Severan inscription, Dr. Salway?

To which he replied:

"No, not at all."

After I did an extensive search for Dalmatian stones in the Severan period and sent quite a few examples with fine lettering to Tomlin, making the point that if we have nice lettering in the Severan, but few if any ligatures in the Antonine, then we must allow for the Castus stone being Severan.

His response?

"I don't see that you can get much closer with Castus than 150–200, but given the quality of the lettering, I would not insist on a Severan date."

In other words, he is admitting Severan is possible, after all. And that means ARM[...]S probably stands for ARMORICOS.

It is worth reminding my readers that the date for the Castus stone has been revised downwards in the relevant epigraphic databases.  See


where the date range for the stone is 180 A.D. - 230 A.D.


Thursday, September 5, 2024

THE ARTHURIAN BATTLES: WHERE ARTHUR WAS (AND WASN'T)


Ribchester-Centered Arthur

Wall-Centered Arthur

The Arthurian battles, as found in the earliest sources, belong in the North.  Of that, I am finally reasonably certain.  For a brief explanation as to why seeking them in the South is fraught with problems, please see the following blog post:


So, if my arrangement of the battles is essentially correct, where was Arthur based?

Well, in the past I've presented two different arguments.  Interestingly, both utilized exactly the same battle list/map.  In one theory, I opted for Ribchester, with Sawyl Benisel being Arthur's father. 

First, I had proposed that Sawyl had been wrongly identified with Uther Pendragon, a Cymracized form of some of St. Illtud's military titles/descriptors.  Everything surrounding this theory depended upon L. Artorius Castus being in Britain when the Sarmatians were there.  And that meant Castus had gone with British force in the latter part of the 2nd century A.D.  to Armorica, presumably to fight in the Deserters' War.  I myself showed that, with allowable ligatures taking into account age and location of the stone, ARMORICOS does fit on the inscription.  And it is true that the only recorded instance of a British force going to the Continent in the time period under consideration was one composed of three legionary vexillations - which is exactly what we have mentioned on the Castus stone. 

Unfortunately, there is some evidence to suggest that Castus did not go to Armorica, but instead to Armenia.  This has to do with the military reorganization of Dalmatia right after the Armenian and Parthian Wars, an event which may well account for the creation of Castus's province of Liburnia.  If he had gone to Armenia, then he was in Britain before the Sarmatians were there, and it makes no sense to associate him with the Ribchester fort of the Sarmatian veterans.

ALSO, the overwhelming scholarly opinion for the Castus stone favors the ARMENIOS reading. Indeed, the top epigraphers and historians all prefer ARMENIOS over ARMORICOS.

The other Northern Arthur theory is simpler and better, but is deficient in the sense that we have no genealogical link for Uther.  Basically, this second idea presents us with an Arthur whose name was not preserved among the Sarmato-British population around Ribchester, but instead among Dalmatian-descended peoples at one of two possible locations in Britain.  Castus as Prefect of the Sixth Legion was based at York, and we know there was a Dalmatian unit either stationed there or nearby (Professor Roger Tomlin prefers the York post).  A corrupt Welsh TRIAD makes an Arthur Penuchel the son of Eliffer of York.

But there was also a Dalmatian unit posted on Hadrian's Wall, at Magnis/Carvoran, very close to the famous Banna/Birdoswald fort of the Dacians with its Dark Age royal hall complex.  A woman of Salona in Dalmatia was actually buried at Magnis, and we have attestations of Artorii from Salona.  Castus himself retired to his estate just a bit south of Salona in Dalmatia, and there are proponents (including Tomlin) who think it is possible or even likely that Castus had himself been born in Dalmatia.  We do know that important men in his orbit did, in fact, either have a Dalmatian origin or could easily have had such.  

The Magnis Roman fort guarded the road junction between the Maiden Way and the Stanegate Roman roads.

We all know by now that Arthur's Camlann was probably Camboglanna, a Hadrian's Wall Roman fort found in the same river valley as Banna.  We also know about the Hadrian Wall's fort of Aballava, 'the Apple orchard' or 'Apple place' (variant Avalana, from which Avalon could have been derived), only a few miles to the west of the Irthing valley forts. A Dea Latis or 'Lake Goddess' belonged to the marsh at Aballava. The river-name Irthing may well derive from a Cumbric term meaning 'Little Bear', and I have tentatively placed the *Artenses or 'Bear-people' (a name preserved in the Welsh eponym Arthwys) in the Irthing Valley.  It is well known that the Welsh associated the name Arthur with their word for bear, 'arth'.

Had a famouis Dalmatian-oriented officer, who ended up the first procurator of the newly formed province of Liburnia, a part of Dalmatia, led a British force to Armenia in the 2nd century, his name may well have been preserved among Dalmatians in Britain.  This name could have found its way to a later generation of Dalmato-British peoples at Magnis, only to crop up as that belonging to our syb-Roman/early Medieval Arthur.

So, Ribchester or the Wall - take your pick!

Uther remains a problem.  It is true that the Dacians of Banna had anciently possessed their own wolf-headed 'draco' standard.  I have shown that this standard did have scalation on its windsock body, and Romanian scholars have agreed it was a hybrid monster.  Such an affinity for their own draco may well have caused them to hold the later Roman draco in special veneration.  I have theorized (and had some success convincing scholars of the notion's validity) that Banna on the Ilam/Staffordshire Moor Cup is referred to by its Dacian garrison as the 'Aelian Dragon.'

While it is true that in Welsh medieval poetic usage dragon meant 'warrior' or the like, it is reasonable to hypothesize that the dragon itself as a symbol of military might derived from the draco of the Roman army.  And, of course, we know there was a late Roman military rank of magister draconum, a person who was the commander of the draco standard bearers.  Such a title could, conceivably, have been applied as an honorific to the leader at Banna during the Dark Ages.  

Banna appears to have been a very important spot, for I have also identified it pretty firmly as the birthplace of St. Patrick:


The account of Arthur in the HISTORIA BRITTONUM comes on the heels of that of St. Patrick.  

It is certainly possible, then, that Arthur belongs at Banna/Birdoswald.  Possibly his mother was from neighboring Magnis/Carvoran. 

But, I may be right about Sawyl Benisel as well.  Right now, if we want to be able to identify Uther with a historical figure, Sawyl is our man.  Sawyl also allows us to posit relationships between Dark Age Britain and Ireland that explain the subsequent Arthurs of Dalriada and Dyfed. 

So how will I decide between Ribchester and the Wall?

Stay tuned as I consider the opinions of other top scholars on the age of the L. Artorius Castus stone.  If the stone is earlier and we can have Armenia of the 160s for the fragmentary word ARM[...]S, then Castus was not there when the Sarmatians were there and a proposed connection of a Dark Age Arthur with the fort of the Sarmatian veterans at Ribchester pretty well collapses.  On the other hand, if ARMORICOS is the proper reading, then Castus was in Britain after the Sarmatians arrived and the link to Ribchester can be maintained.  





Wednesday, September 4, 2024

WHAT IF THE RAPTORS OF ELEI POINT TO ELIWLAD THE EAGLE OF CORNWALL?


Quite some time ago I floated an idea for Uther Pendragon being another magister militum.  And, indeed, I wrote a dozen or so pieces on various aspects of this idea, all very supportive.  I eventually abandoned this alternative theory because I didn't like placing the Arthurian battles in the South.


In short, the idea is this:

The late Roman British general Gerontius was awarded two titles, first magister militum and then magister utriusque militiae.  As there were later Geraints in Dumnonia, either descendents of this man or named after him, I reasoned that one of them could be Uther.  I could show that the Latinized form of Uther's name - Uter - precisely matched L. uter, the base of utriusque, and that Pendragon was a perfect W. rendering of magister militum.  If we didn't like the folk derivative of Uther from utriusque (although scholars did not have a problen with this!), we could resort to the historical statement that Sarus was in dread of Gerontius when the latter was appointed MM. 

Gerontius is conspicuously absent from Geoffrey of Monmouth's HISTORY OF THE KINGS OF BRITAIN (https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2021/06/geraint-in-geoffrey-of-monmouth.html).  This continues to strike me as strange.  

With an Uther firmly planted in Cornwall, we could conform to the traditional geographical placement of  Arthur. Subsequent articles showed that Gorlois sites matched sites linked to both Geraint and Ygerna (https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2021/10/the-forts-or-settlements-of-gorlois.html).

Something that I neglected to treat of properly may have a huge bearing on this possible identification of Arthur's father.  A note in Nerys Ann Jones' ARTHUR IN EARLY WELSH POETRY for the poem "PA GUR" reads as follows on the Elei place-name brought into connection with Uther Pendragon. [This place-name is said to be the origin point for three heroes called 'predatory birds'.  One of these is Mabon, the servant of Uther.]

"Elei appears to be a place name or possibly a personal name derived from a place-name. It may be the river name Elai (River Ely)... but cf. eryr Eli, 'the eagle of Eli' (EWSP 'Canu Heledd' 34b), referring possibly to a river in old Powys."

As it happens, I had found the Powys Eli:


The part of Powys where Eli is found was, anciently, a part of the territory of the Cornovii tribe, a tribe's whose name is echoed in the Cernyw used by the Welsh for Cornwall.

But, I had forgotten one crucial matter: Eliwlad son of Madog, placed in Cornwall at Cutmadoc in "The Dialogue of Arthur and the Eagle", was a spirit in eagle's form whose name could easily have been interpreted as an element Eli + [g]wlad, with gwlad being "land" or "kingdom." As it happens, there is a Tremabyn by Cutmadoc, a Cornish place-name containing the personal name Mabon:


My memory then struggled with something else.  I had to do a search through all my research materials and publications to find this tidbit in question...

I had asked Dr. Simon Rodway the following question:

"Could Eliwlad be for Elei-(g)wlad, 'Elei-prince'?"

To which he responded:

"Yes, it could."

Now, this idea is based simply on the many variant spellings for the Ely (see the listing in the Melville Richards Archive, for example).  But it is also besides the point, as it is working somewhat backwards.  What we need to ask is whether the Elei of the "Pa Gur" could be a mistake for the Eli- of Eliwlad, and there is no reason why that could not be so.

[I note in passing that my identification of Arthur's Kelliwic places this royal fortress next to Tremabyn and Cutmadoc: https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2018/02/the-location-of-kelliwic.html.]

So... if the Elei of the 'Pa Gur' is not the Elei River in Glamorgan, Wales, but instead a reference to Eliwlad in Cornwall, my identification of Uther as a Geraint who had inherited (at least in legend) the military title of the earlier, more famous Gerontius can be allowed to stand.  And any connection with Illtud the leader of houselhold troops under Pawl Penychen must be discarded.

I will be considering this possibility over the next few weeks and will announce any conclusion I've reached with another blog piece. 

My chief problem, once again, is the necessity of fitting Arthur's battles in the South.  This simply doesn't work.  His battles do fit very nicely in the North.  So if Uther was a Geraint, we must question whether he was really Arthur's father.  

For now, some of my musings on Uther as a Geraint of Dumnonia:

















COMING SOON: Dr. Wootton on the Age of the L. Artorius Castus Stone



The only "fact" that would dethrone even my Sawyl theory would be the adherence to the prevelent professional opinion regarding the correct reading for ARM[...]S on the Lucius Artorius Castus stone.  As I've oft repeated, if this reads ARMENIOS, then Castus was not in Britain when the Sarmatians were there and thus any connection with an Arthur at Ribchester of the Sarmatian veterans is highly improbable.  Only with a reading of ARMORICOS can we postulate Castus being in Britain with Sarmatian troops.  Although I showed how Armoricos, with allowable ligatures, can fit on the Castus stone, scholars have not supported the idea, as no one would have claimed they were taking a force against Armorica during the time of the Deserters' War.  Instead, any number of other terms would have been used, this not being, technically speaking, a war against Armorica.  It was instead an action against the public enemy Maternus, an army deserter, and his bandits whose activities were not restricted to Armorica.  

I'm working with Dr. Will Wootton (https://www.kcl.ac.uk/people/will-wootton) right now on his take for the age of the Castus stone.  I will dedicate a blog post to his conclusion and what that might mean for Arthurian research going forward. 

AMBROSIUS AS FATHER OF ARTHUR: CAN WE "FIX" A MAJOR ANACHRONISM?

Milan Cathedral

The possibility that Ambrosius could be Uther Pendragon has recently resurfaced in my research:


This very old idea (not unique, I don't believe, to the current writer!) creates one very big problem: both of the historical Ambrosii, father and saintly son, were 4th century.  A figure from that time period could not possibly have been the father of an Arthur whose AC dates are c. 516 and c. 537.

The solution to this problem would appear to be simple: just allow for another, later Ambrosius to be in Britain and to have fought some important battles against the Saxons. Granted, we have no independent evidence of such a man.  Maybe such a battle leader was given his name in remembrance of one of the earlier Ambrosii.  Or maybe there was actually some kind of blood relationship, if we allow for the 4th century Gallic prefect having gone to Britain with Constans in 343.  


A.A. was Prefect of Gaul (and thus of Britain as well) c. 337-340.  We do not know when he died, but his son St. Ambrose (with whom he appears to have been conflated in Welsh legend) moved to Rome with his mother not earlier than 353 (https://books.google.com/books?id=sc49DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA7&lpg=PA7&dq=st.+ambrose+and+his+mother+went+to+rome&source=bl&ots=7w4smM9os3&sig=ACfU3U0AuKyqO3hjZIrPlxdpBvQVvfCZ5g&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwi_hL-SzqnpAhUOsp4KHZLYANQQ6AEwDHoECAgQAQ#v=onepage&q=st.%20ambrose%20and%20his%20mother%20went%20to%20rome&f=false).  Some have thought A.A. may have fallen at the same time as his Emperor Constantine II, who died in 340. 

In 343, Constantine's brother Constans, the new Western Emperor, visited Britain.  It is not known precisely why (see http://www.roman-emperors.org/consi.htm#9), but the reason is hinted at in Ammianus:

Book XX
1 1 Lupicinus, master of arms, is sent with an army to Britain, to resist the inroads of the Scots and Picts.

Such was the course of events throughout Illyricum and the Orient. But in Britain in the tenth consulship of Constantius and the third of Julian raids of the savage tribes of the Scots and the Picts, who had broken the peace that had been agreed upon, were laying waste the regions near the frontiers, so that fear seized the provincials, wearied as they were by a mass of past calamities. And Julian, who was passing the winter in Paris and was distracted amid many cares, was afraid to go to the aid of those across the sea, as Constans once did (as I have told),1 

1 In one of the lost books; it was in 343.

Let us suppose, for the sake of argument, that A.A. did not perish with Constantine.  That although he was no longer serving as Prefect of Gaul, he accompanied Constans to Britain in some capacity.  If the comparison of Lupicinus' mission is taken literally, we may imagine Constans was fighting Scots and/or Picts.

This is certainly not out of the realm of the possible.  Granted, Constantine I/the Great had made the praetorian prefecture a civil, rather than a military post.  But A.A. could have been replaced by another prefect, and found himself in another role as part of a major military expedition to Britain.  He could even, theoretically, have been made a governor of one of the provinces of Britain. Constantius Chlorus had reclassified Britain as a diocese,  dividing it into four provinces: Maxima Caesariensis, Britannia Prima, Flavia Caesariensis and Britannia Secunda.

It's also conceivable that A.A. fled to Britain after Constantine II's death, although had that been the case we would have expected him to take his family with him.  

However it happened, if A.A. was in Britain at the time, how do we account for the sequence of events in Gildas?

Rather easily, I suspect.  The problem has to do with a simple confusion of the two emperors named Constans - the one who was in Britain in 343 and the Constans II, son of the Constantine III who had been proclaimed emperor in Britain in 407.  It is thought that Constantine III actually named his son Constans after the son of Constantine the Great.  

A very puzzling line in Gildas has not, to my knowledge, been analyzed.  It occurs in 25:2, and runs as follows:  "After a time, when the cruel plunderers had gone home, God gave strength to the survivors." These survivors, and those who flocked to them, had as their leader A.A.  On the surface, this would seem to be a nonsensical statement.  The Saxons invited in by Vortigern did not, in fact, go home.  Gildas had just previously told us that they had invited in more of their kind and proceeded to take over the island. We are told in Nennius that Vortimer pushed them to the Isle of Thanet, but that after he was slain they continued their depredations and conquest.  

So who went home when A.A. showed up on the scene?

I would propose that Gildas' account is here hopelessly confused.  The enemy that withdraws in this context was forced to do so by Constans I, perhaps accompanied by A.A., who could have held the military command or been appointed a governor.  We are probably talking about Scots and Picts, in any case, not Saxons.  What we appear to have here is a simple jumbling of fourth and fifth century events.

In this blog post -


- I made a valiant - and some might call a Herculean - effort to suggest that Ambrosius (whoever he really was!) might have been relocated from Hadrian's Wall to southern Wales.  The Northern location in question (Corbridge and vicinity) happened to be right next to where Arthur might well have fought several of his battles (the Devil's Water at Linnels). 

Is that a reasonable proposition or mere wishful thinking?

Well, Campus Elleti first appears in Nennius, a 9th century text.  Therefore, we cannot put any weight on the likelihood that the name came from the North, specifically through the agency of the de Umbreville family of Prudhoe, Aydon and Penmark. This family was post-Conquest.  We would have to allow for Elleti in Nennius to be a much later addition to the text.  Not impossible, but not something we can prove. Or we would have to have two Elleti names from a very early period, one of which (the Southern one) was confused with another (the Northern one).  In other words, we need a place named for Alletius (a god?) at Corbridge at or before the 9th century. 

None of this looks particularly attractive.

We could, instead, opt for a descendent of the 4th century Gallic prefect in Wales.  Perhaps it was Wales that this earlier Ambrosius had been made a governor over, and his Romano-British descendents kept his name alive into the fifth.  This sub-Roman leader could have been the father of Arthur - although it is extremely difficult to account for Arthur's battles in the North if his father belonged to the South.  

All in all, everything seems too forced, too strained.  I am not happy with any of the above-mentioned scenarios.

The only thing that keeps coming up for me is that the famous Arthur's real father was forgotten at some point, was unknown to the Dark Age tradition that remembered his military deeds.  That Uther Pendragon as a "nickname" for Ambrosius was generated specifically to plug the time-gap between Ambrosius and Arthur with a valid-appearing paternal link.

And that makes me even less happy.

What I keep coming back to is this: given the fame of Campus Elleti as the birthplace of Ambrosius (never mind that an original W. Maes Elleti may have been chosen because the Gallic Ambrosii belonged on the River Moselle), why does the PA GUR not put Uther Pendragon there if the latter is Ambrosius? Why put Uther at Elei, which is where the terrible ( = uthr) soldier and master of soldiers ( = pendragon) Illtud was commander of Pawl Penychen's household troops? An Illtud who was confused/identified with Sawyl in various sources - a Sawyl Uther transforms into in the MARWNAT VTHYR PEN.

Time and time again, I come back to Sawyl Benisel.  For the many reasons I list in my book THE BATTLE-LEADER OF RIBCHESTER.  Whether right or wrong, the Uther = Sawyl theory is the one I have decided to stick with.  Should I be able to make sense of Ambrosius in the future (or should some other enterprising researcher do this for me), I will make sure and post my thoughts on the subject here.  For now, I'm resting my case. 

NOTE:

The only "fact" that would dethrone even my Sawyl theory would be the adherence to the prevelent professional opinion regarding the correct reading for ARM[...]S on the Lucius Artorius Castus stone.  As I've oft repeated, if this reads ARMENIOS, then Castus was not in Britain when the Sarmatians were there and thus any connection with an Arthur at Ribchester of the Sarmatian veterans is highly improbable.  Only with a reading of ARMORICOS can we postulate Castus being in Britain with Sarmatian troops.  Although I showed how Armoricos, with allowable ligatures, can fit on the Castus stone, scholars have not supported the idea, as no one would have claimed they were taking a force against Armorica during the time of the Deserters' War.  Instead, any number of other terms would have been used, this not being, technically speaking, a war against Armorica.  It was instead an action against the public enemy Maternus, an army deserter, and his bandits.  

I'm working with Dr. Will Wootton (https://www.kcl.ac.uk/people/will-wootton) right now on his take for the age of the Castus stone.  I will dedicate a blog post to his conclusion and what that might mean for Arthurian research going forward. 






My Growing Fear that Uther Pendragon IS Ambrosius: A Reconsideration of Gwythur/Victor in the MARWNAT VTHYR PEN

Trier Amphitheater

Having written this piece -


and this one -


- a growing fear has been nagging at me that Uther may actually be Ambrosius.  First, there was the presence of Cysteint/Constantius as one of Uther's warriors in the PA GUR, placed at Elei near the Campus Elleti of Ambrosius.  While Geoffrey of Monmouths's Constans, brother of Ambrosius, seems based on Constans II, Constans I had a brother named Constantius.  

Cysteint has now made me think again about the Victor who is found in the Uther Pendragon elegy.  

Victor is the name of the son of Magnus Maximus, with whom St. Ambrose, son of the Gallic prefect of the same name, had dealings with.  And Victor was slain at Trier, the capital of the Gallic prefecture and birthplace of St. Ambrose.

From the MAWRNAT VTHYR PEN:

Neur ordyfneis-i waet am Wythur,
I was used to blood[shed] around Gwythur,

With the note on the line from translator/editor Marged Haycock:

11 am Wythur On the personal name Gwythur, see §15.31. Am ‘for, around’,
perhaps here meaning that the speaker was in Gwythur’s entourage.

St. Ambrose 

Born c. 339
Augusta Treverorum/Trier, Gallia Belgica, Roman Empire

Died 4 April 397 
Mediolanum/Milan, Italia, Western Roman Empire

From Wikipedia on Magnus Maximus:

"In 387, Maximus managed to force emperor Valentinian II out of Milan. Valentinian fled to Theodosius I, and the two subsequently invaded from the east; their armies, led by Richomeres and other generals, campaigned against Maximus in July–August 388. Maximus was defeated in the Battle of Poetovio,[18][19] and retreated to Aquileia. Meanwhile, the Franks under Marcomer had taken the opportunity to invade northern Gaul, at the same time further weakening Maximus's position.

Andragathius, magister equitum of Maximus and the killer of Emperor Gratian, was defeated near Siscia, while Maximus's brother, Marcellinus, fell in battle at Poetovio.[20] Maximus surrendered in Aquileia, and although he pleaded for mercy was executed.[how?] The Senate passed a decree of Damnatio memoriae against him. However, his mother and at least two daughters were spared.[21] Theodosius's trusted general Arbogast strangled Maximus's son, Victor, at Trier in the fall of the same year.[22]"

So, if Uther is, in fact, Ambrosius of the 4th century, and he is presented to us as the only viable father for the famous Arthur, what are we to do?

Well, possibly throw our hands up and accept that Uther Pendragon as an entity separate from Ambrosius may have been utilized as a "filler" character to span the presumed time gap between Ambrosius and Arthur.

Or we may do something else, i.e. propose a later British namesake of the earlier Ambrosius.  This has been done before, of course, with little or no success.  I will myself return to the notion in future research.  

The start of such a reappraisal of the identity of Arthur's father may well begin with the possible presence of Ambrosius the Gallic prefect with Constans I in Britain, for which please see


Stay tuned!

NOTE:

Culhwch and Olwen places a Victor in the far North of Britain in a purely legendary context.  And there was a Dark Age Withur of Leon in Brittany.  Leon was in the westernmost part of Domnonee (see John Koch in CELTIC CULTURE: A HISTORICAL ENCYCLOPEDIA).