Monday, February 27, 2023

A TOP CELTIC LANGUAGE SPECIALIST WEIGHS IN ON MY IDENTIFICATION OF SAMLESBURY AS 'SAWYL'S BURG'


Proximity of Samlesbury to Ribchester

I had long since obtained agreement from the majority of place-name experts on my proposed derivation of the Samlesbury, Lancashire place-name from the Welsh personal name Sawyl.  But, I had neglected to take my case to at least one of the world's most renowned Celtic language scholars.  To redress that oversight, I decided to send the following query to Prof. Dr. Peter Schrijver of Utrecht University.  This man had been very generous in the past when it came to helping me with linguistics problems I encountered during my Arthurian research.  

"Hi, Peter.

Please find attached an entry for a place-name found in Victor Watt's THE CAMBRIDGE DICTIONARY OF ENGLISH PLACE-NAMES.


My question to you is whether you think the first element of this place-name could come from the Welsh (or Cumbric) form of the name Sawyl, at some point in its development from the Latin form of the Biblical Samuel.

Yes, Victor Watts disagrees.  But without meaning to bias you from the outset, place-name experts Alan James, Richard Coates and Andrew Breeze agree with me that some form of Samuel through the Welsh would best account for this place-name.  I have also suggested that there may be good reasons embedded in Welsh tradition to support the idea.  Sawyl Benisel of the North is said to descend from Pabo Post Prydain.  Pabo is here being used as an eponym for the Papcastle Roman fort in Cumbria, which is on Derwent Water.  Samlesbury and its related sites are on the Darwen in Lancashire, an identically named river.  Sawyl's son Asa/Asaph is a well known saint in nearby NE Wales, while his son San[c]ton has a church in extreme southern Cumbria.  All of the other relatives of Sawyl can be easily (and firmly) traced to Cumbria and immediately adjacent territories.  The Irish sources give Sawyl an Irish princess as wife, one hailing from the Dal Fiatach along the coast in NE Ireland.  Indications, therefore, are that Sawu ruled from what had been the Roman period tribal region of the Setantii (or Segantii).

What I haven't done thus far is ask a Welsh/Celtic specialist how we might have ended up with the early forms for Samlesbury, assuming for the sake of argument that the name Samuel is involved.  I'm hoping you can please fill in that gap.  

Yes, I understand all too well that you may disagree with my proposed etymology for Samlesbury, and that's fine.  As always with these kinds of questions, I have my own doubts.  We are dealing with a name in English territory, one that may have been subjected to influence from English, Anglo-Norman and even Norse.

Thank you very much for your help with the issue."

His response:

"That seems quite possible to me. The forms with Sc-, Sh-, Sch- are later and point to a secondary Anglo-Saxonized interpretation. An ancient (i.e. earliest medieval) British or British Latin spelling <Samuel> or <Samel-> would be expected, or a later (say 700-1000 CE) Welsh spelling <Samuil, Samuel>. Hard to say exactly when the name became Sawyl. Old Welsh was still [Savuil], but a spelling <sauuil> may well have been avoided because of double <uu>. Approximately by the 11th century (so Middle Welsh) the -v- may well have been lost. But this is very rough chronology."

As a follow-up, I wanted to make sure and ask Schrijver what he thought of  yet another idea for the etymology of Samlesbury.  Via personal communication with Professor John Insley of Heidelberg, who is responsible for the Lancashire portion of the EPNS, I had the following on a proposed derivation for the place-name:


Schrijver's opinion of that idea?

"It’s a concatenation of unsupported assumptions: diminutive -ula instead of the -ila of Soemel, Seomel, ablaut of the root, arbitrary etymology. Pretty desperate. Maybe he’s unaware of the fact that if he would like to hang on to the connection with OE so:m ‘agreement’ its Celtic counterpart *sa:m- (> Ir. sám ‘peace’) is much closer to the vocalism of Samlesbury…"

That the best etymology for Samlesbury remains 'Sawyl's fort' is vitally important to my Arthurian theory, for I have settled on this particular Dark Age Samuel of the Segantii (not Setantii; see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2023/02/segantii-not-setantii-deciding-on.html) as the father of the legendary Arthur.  As to how I arrived at this conclusion, my readers are welcome to peruse the many articles here on my blog site.  Better yet, please do consider purchasing my book THE BATTLE-LEADER OF RIBCHESTER, available from Amazon in ebook, paperback and hardcover formats.









Thursday, February 23, 2023

SEGANTII, NOT SETANTII?: DECIDING ON A TRIBAL NAME IN NORTHWEST ENGLAND

River Mersey, the Seteia of Roman Britain

The lot of difficulty has attended scholarly attempts to etymologize Seteia, the Roman period name for the River Mersey.  To date, we do not possess a satisfactory solution to the riddle of this British hydronym.  

What follows is a brief discussion of the current literature on the subject.  

"The suggestion that a deity-name *Sentanā- ‘traveller, wanderer’ might underlie the ethnic name Setantii and the river-name Seteia (PNRB pp. 456-7) requires an improbable grafting of an early Goidelic form *Sēt- onto Brittonic suffixes (Cúchulainn’s given name Sétanta raises similarproblems, see CPNS p. 25, DCM p. 102). An ancient river-name unconnected with the root*sent- seems more likely to underlie these (and any connection between the Setantii and Cúchulainn remains doubtful); but see Breeze (2006b). Seteia was probably the River Mersey,and Portus Setantiorum a site (Meols?) on the Mersey estuary (D. J. Breeze 2017, 5)."


* A.L.F Rivet & Colin Smith : The Place-names of Roman Britain, p 456-457 : 

Sources : See the nex entry. (voir noms de lieux : Setantorum Portus / Fleetwood, Lancashire)

DERIVATION. This ethnic name is mysterious; there seem to be no British roots visible, and very few analogues anywhere of names in Set-. It is tempting, in view of Ptolemy's variants which show Seg- (Seg-) both for the port-name and the river-name, to suspect some confusion with the Seg- of Segontium, a possibility that occurred to Rhys (1904) 315 with regard to the river, though eventually he seems.to wish to main tain Setantii as a proper form. The strongest argument for so doing is provided by Watson CPNS 25, who points out that the first name of the Irish hero Cuchulainn was Setanta (from an earlier *Setant(os) : 'the Setantii were an ancient British tribe near Liverpool. . . the inference is that Setanta means "a Setantian" and that Cuchulainn was of British origin'. But the relation between these two names has been questioned. There is a full exposition of the problem by Guyonvarc'h in Ogam, XIII, (1961), 587-98, with discussion of views of Mac Neill, Osborne, and others, including Brittonic-Goidelic transferences in both historical and phonetic aspects. The essence of the matter is that it is tempting to see in this name Irish sét ('path'; = British *sento-, for which see CLAUSENTUM), but *-ant- suffix (as in DECANTAE) is Brittonic only, for -nt- does not exist in Goidelic. The name might be based on a divine name *Setantios, not otherwise known, and he in turn might be related etymologically and by sense to the goddess Sentona, perhaps 'wayfarer' (see further TRISANTONA1). Clearly there is an additional problem in reconciling the a/e vowels in these forms (Trisantona, Gaulish Santones) if they are indeed connected. There, for the présent, the matter rests; but it is as well to reiterate that one cannot base too much speculation on forms recorded by Ptolemy alone, particularly when, in numbers, the MSS of his work record attractive variants.

IDENTIFICATION. Presumably a minor tribe, but since they appear only as part of a 'descriptive' name in the coastal list (next entry) and not in their own right in the full list of tribes, they probably formed part of the Brigantian confederacy. If the river name seteia is directly connected with them, they should have stretched along the Lancashire coast from the Mersey to Fleetwood.






Graham Isaac's *sego- [1] was not hard to come by, as we have the following variant spellings for Setantiorum Portus and Seteia:

Segantiorum
Gesantiorum
Segeia
Segeiais
Segeiatis

According to THE DICTIONARY OF CONTINENTAL CELTIC PLACE-NAMES (ed. by Alexander Falileyev), which quotes from G. R. Isaac, Place-Names in Ptolemy’s Geography. CD-ROM. Aberystwyth 2004.:

"Due to the very easy and frequent confusion of tau and gamma in Greek transmission, it is possible that some, or even all, of the apparent instances of set(i)o- are for sego- (as very frequently in names in ms. {Set-} in Hispania, where there are ample other sources to confirm the correctness of the reading {Seg-})."

The same source allows for a possible derivation from seit-:

"But there may also be a genuine base set-, or {se:t-} <*seit-, involved. But if so, I cannot suggest an analysis of it at this time.’"

The only thing I could find on seit- in relation to these Set- place-names is a brief discussion in http://www.asciatopo.altervista.org/narbonensis.html:

Extension: *seit-
Reconstructed from Lithuanian sietuva 'a deep place in the river, pool'
Suffixed full-grade form *seit-i-a in Setia (Latium)
Suffixed full-grade form *seit-i-o in Setius m. (Narbonensis)

Setia

Place: Sezze, province Latina, region Lazio, Italy
Name: Setia (Ptol., Plin., Liv., Dion.)
Etymology: A stem *set- is widely diffused in toponymy. The name has exact counterparts in Setia (Baetica), Setia (Tarraconensis). With different suffixes we have Setovia (Germania), Seterrae (Tarraconensis), etc. An Illyrian Setovia has been explained by [Duridanov] from a *seit-oua, thus from an IE root *seit-. This is not included in Pokorny's dictionary (some Baltic cognate appellatives meaning 'a deep place in the river, pool' are under the root *sei-t- 'to let fall'), but probably is an extension of the huge family *sei-/si- somehow related to waters. This probably is the Pokorny's *sei- 'to be damp, to drip'. The feature *ei>e found in Setia is typically Eastern Italic (Volscan).

Setius m.

Place: Mont Saint Clair (Sète), department Hérault, region Languedoc-Roussillon, France
Name: Setius m. (Ptol., Avien.) Sigius m. (Strab.)
Etymology: A cognate of Setia (Latium), the name derives from the extension *seit- of the IE root *sei- 'to be damp, to drip'. The reason of such a name is that the hill dominates a marshy area (étang de Thau).

Alas, we cannot prove the existence of seit- in Celtic.  We do, however, have plenty of examples of sego- place and personal names.

But if Segeia is the right form of the river-name, in what sense was it applied to the Mersey?  Breeze, whose met- idea for set- (see above) is unacceptable (there is simply no justification for assuming that a word spelled with either a Greek tau or a Greek gamma would have as its original form one starting with mu), complains that the Mersey was a "sluggish river".  

Breeze is not entirely correct in his assertion.  The Mersey has the second largest tidal bore in all of Britain (see http://www.merseyestuary.org/the-tidal-bore.html).  Furthermore, "The Narrows further downstream of the Inner Estuary are characterised by changes in geology ond the Estuary becomes a straight narrow channel with depths of up to 30m even at low water, and fierce tides of up to six knots (http://www.environmentdata.org/archive/ealit:4093/OBJ/20002960.pdf)." "The River Mersey is an extremely dangerous river. The Mersey has the third fastest tidal run in Europe, with the speed of the water reaching 10 knots in places (https://www.bbc.co.uk/liverpool/localhistory/mersey_times/issue_07/about.shtml#:~:text=The%20River%20Mersey%20is%20an,rapid%20death%2C%20often%20within%20minutes)."  

Breeze also contradicts himself, saying right after mentioning the River Seint that sego- is unknown in hydronyms!  Seint itself is from British *Segonti, and it is believed the fort of Segontium was named for the river.  The root of *Segonti is sego-. 

Xavier Delamarre (in Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise: Une approche linguistique du vieux-celtique continental, 2003) proposes to derive the Belisama (= the River Ribble) name from the Gaulish root belo- ('strong, powerful'), rendering Belesama as 'the Very Strong' (cf. Sanskrit baliṣṭhaḥ 'the strongest').  According to him, cognates stemming from *bʰelH- do not seem to connote 'shining', but rather 'white, grey, pale'.  If he is right, we could have two major rivers in the same tribal region that meant 'strong'.

In response to my discussion of seg- rather than set- for the river-name, noted Brittonic place-name expert Alan James remarked only that "I think both those ideas [Segeia for the Strong One and Belisama for the Very Strong] are quite, well, 'strong' possibilities."

In brief, we might easily refer to the Mersey as 'the Strong or Forceful One', a goddess to pair with Belisama of the Ribble.  She would have given her name to the tribe, who became the people of the Strong One.  

[1]

victory *sego(s)- (?), SEMANTIC CLASS: action, Celtiberian Sego-bris (?); seko ‘victory-fort (?)’, Gaulish Sego- (-maros, dūnon, -briga, etc.) ‘victory’, Early Irish seg (MIr.) ‘strength’, Scottish Gaelic seagh ‘sense, esteem’, Welsh hy ‘bold, brave, undaunted, intrepid, valiant, steadfast, confident, daring; audacious, presumptuous, impudent’,

[English–Proto-Celtic Word-list with attested comparanda, University of Wales]

*sego- 'force' [Noun]
GOlD: Mlr. seg [0 m] (DIL sed, seg) 'strength, heed, interest, an equal'
W: MW hy 'bold, brave' (GPC hy, hyf)
GAUL: Sego-maros [PN], perhaps Segestica [Toponym]
LEP: sexe()u (?) 'Lepontic coin'
CELTIB: Segouia (?) [Toponym], Sekobirikez [Abl. s, Toponym] (A8)
PIE: *segh_ 'hold (by force)' (IEW: 888f.)
COGN: Skt. sahate 'be able, support', Gr. ekhi5 'hold, have', Go. sigis
'victory'
ETYM: Mlr. and Early Molr. seg is sometimes spelled sed (Gen. sg. seda,
seadha). Celtib. asekati (Botorrita I) might reflect *ad-seg- (Eska 1989). W
hoel [m] 'nail, peg, stake' has been derived from the o-grade of the root (?
PCelt. *sogHi), but this is not wholly convincing for semantic reasons. MW
hoen [m and f] 'joy, 'gladness, vigour' could be from *sogno-, but again the
difference in meaning is conspicuous. Finally, Olr. sar [0 m] 'outrage', sar-
'exceeding, excellent' may be related, if we start from PIE *saxsro- < PIE
*sogh-sro- and accept the lengthening of vowels before *xsL (cf. *taxslo-
'axe' < *tok-slo-).
REF: LEIA S-68, GPC II: 1945, 1884f., LIV 467, EIEC 123, Delamarre
269f., Jordan Colera 1998: 31, Sims-Williams 2006: 107f., MLH V.l: 329f.

[Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic By Ranko Matasovic]






Monday, February 13, 2023

Reconciling L. Artorius Castus' Expedition to Armorica with the Anti-Perennis Deputation to Rome

What is the proper rendering of ARM[...]S on the 2nd century L. Artorius Castus stone?  There are only two possible readings for this word: ARMENIOS or ARMORICOS. The recent attempt to see this fragmented word as ARMATOS has been universally rejected and I do not myself consider it a viable contender.  For more on ARMATOS for ARM[...]S, see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2021/11/my-rebuttal-of-antonio-trincheses.html and many other articles here on my blog site.  

The other reading, ARMENIOS, is also quite plausible.  Statius Priscus as goveror of Britain was sent to head up the army in Armenia.  And our only record of the reorganization of Dalmatia (quite possibly when Liburnia was created as a separate province) occurred under Marcus and Verus only a few years after the end of the Armenian War.  However, if Castus went to Armenia with British troops, he did this before the Sarmatian troops were in Britain.  And that means that our attempt to link the Dark Age Arthur with Sawyl of Ribchester loses its appeal.  

Armenia was also very far from Britain.  My analysis of British vexillations on the Continent and beyond (see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2022/12/vexillations-sent-from-britain-to-fight.html) revealed that other than a proposed Armenia expedition, the two other most distant postings for British vexillations were Carnuntum in Austria and Sirmium in Serbia.  


I should mention that the claim made by some that ARMORICOS will not fit on the Castus memorial stone is wrong.  See https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2021/06/the-lucius-artorius-castus-stone-with_14.html.  

My Reconstruction, Using Identical Sized Letters from Appropriate Lines

Computer Reconstruction Courtesy Alessandro Faggiani

Quite a bit has been written on the topic of Armorica and the Maternus rebellion.  For more on the subject, please consult the following sources:







Castus' fame would have been magnified even more if we can assign him to the deputation that went to Rome to force the execution of the Praetorian Prefect Perennis.  We are told by Cassius Dio that 1500 spearmen went on the mission, and the Greek word to describe these troops may well imply that they were Sarmatian contus-bearers.  Of course, the account of this deputation has been doubted by Classical scholars, as it is difficult if not impossible to account for how it may have happened.

I now believe I can easily do so.  It is not difficult to do, as the dates for the Perennis affair and the Deserters' War match up quite nicely.  

Commodus makes his call for forces to be contributed in the battle against the deserters.  This was issued to those provinces which were affected.  I can only assume if Armorica is having serious problems, this would, indirectly at least, affect Britain.  And there was always the danger the movement would spread to Britain.

But, in Britain, the legates have just been removed from office.  So it is Castus who becomes dux and leads large legionary detachments to Armorica.  At the same time, it is necessary to send the three senators back to Rome under escort.  Castus arranges for the detail to be sent.  When it is in Rome, the senators make their case for Perennis' removal.

Castus, meanwhile, would certainly have remained in Armorica with the bulk of his troops.

Now, granted, the 1500 number is large, and that sounds like the kind of force Castus would have brought to bear against the deserters; it does make sense for the composition of a simple escort.  So I would suggest the number was wrongly applied by Dio to the escort itself, when originally it belonged to the much larger force that crossed into Armorica.

As being dux of this military force automatically implies full command of it, no matter what it happens to do, there was no need to add to the memorial stone any information referring to the escort sent to Rome - and, indeed, there was not sufficient room on the stone for this information.

I consider this a very adequate explanation of the events involving both Castus' dux command and the fall of Perennis.  

I could go further, even.  A separate delegation, sent from Britain to Rome at the same time as the force was sent to Armorica to deal with deserters, might well have become conflated in memory and/or tradition.  Especially if both reached Dio by second-hand witness reports.

The reference in Dio's story to the "deputies of the army" (see https://www.jstor.org/stable/638138) as the ones who sent the 1,500 may be the source of the original confusion.  I would make these out to be the representatives of the delegation to Rome, and not the party responsible for sending LAC to Armorica. Commodus himself, according to Herodian, was the one who ordered provinces to send forces against Maternus:

"When he was informed of these developments, Commodus, in a towering rage, sent threatening dispatches to the governors of the provinces involved, charging them with negligence and ordering them to raise an army to oppose the bandits." (https://www.livius.org/sources/content/herodian-s-roman-history/herodian-1.10)

Thursday, February 9, 2023

The Death-Place of Arthur son of Aedan of Dalriada

Stronend, Fintry Hills

Double Craigs, Fintry Hills

"On the Battle of the Miathi

AT another time, after the lapse of many years from the above-mentioned battle, and while the holy man was in the Iouan island (Hy, now Iona), he suddenly said to his minister, Diormit, ‘Ring the bell.’ The brethren, startled at the sound, proceeded quickly to the church, with the holy prelate himself at their head. There he began, on bended knees, to say to them, ‘Let us pray now earnestly to the Lord for this people and King Aidan, for they are engaging in battle at this moment.’ Then after a short time he went out of the oratory, and, looking up to heaven, said, ‘The barbarians are fleeing now, and to Aidan is given the victory; a sad one though it be.’ And the blessed man in his prophecy declared the number of the slain in Aidan's army to be three hundred and three men.

Prophecy of St. Columba regarding the sons of King Aidan

At another time, before the above-mentioned battle, the saint asked King Aidan about his successor to the crown. The king answered that of his three sons, Artur, Eochoid Find, and Domingart, he knew not which would have the kingdom after him. Then at once the saint prophesied on this wise, ‘None of these three shall be king, for they shall fall in battle, slain by their enemies; but now if thou hast any younger sons, let them come to me, and that one of them whom the Lord has chosen to be king will at once rush into my lap.’ When they were called in, Eochoid Buide, according to the word of the saint, advanced and rested in his bosom. Immediately the saint kissed him, and, giving him his blessing, said to his father, ‘This one shall survive and reign as king after thee, and his sons shall reign after him.’ And so were all these things fully accomplished afterwards in their time. For Artur and Eochoid Find were not long after killed in the above-mentioned battle of the Miathi; Domingart was also defeated and slain in battle in Saxonia; while Eochoid Buide succeeded his father on the throne."

The Dark Age Miathi were known to the Romans as the Maeatae.  This was a federation of tribes centered just north of the Antonine Wall, and apparently (given the location of the hillforts of Myot Hill and Dumyat) more towards the eastern end of the Wall.  We first hear of them causing major trouble in the reign of Septimius Severus (emperor from 193-211 A.D.).[1]  The Caledonians north of the Wall eventually entered into alliance with them, magnifying the seriousness of the threat.

The name Maeatae means possibly 'the larger people', but more probably (see Rivet and Smith's THE PLACE-NAMES OF ROMAN BRITAIN [2]) 'those of the larger part.'

The Irish sources have Arthur son of Gabran die in what sound like two different places: in the territory of the Miathi or, alternately, in Circinn. 

There may be yet another Arthur who can be linked to the Miathi - and this is none other than the most famous one presented to us in the HISTORIA BRITTONUM.  For my best identification of this hero's Bassas river battle site is Dunipace in Scotland [3].  Dunipace has the distinction of being found directly between the two known Miathi forts - Dumyat in Stirling and Myot Hill in Falkirk.  In this context I had once made the tentative suggestion that the presence of an Arthur at Dunipace may be a confusion over the Dalriadan Arthur fighting in that location.


However, there does not appear to be any relationship between Dunipace and Circinn.  In addition, the Circinn of Arthur son of Aedan appears to be in a totally different place than the region of a similar sounding name north of the River Tay in Angus and Mearns.

The most recent good treatment of the subject can be found in James E. Fraser's FROM CALEDONIA TO PICTLAND: SCOTLAND TO 795.  Here are a couple of short extracts from that title:


Alan James was kind enough to share this information with me regarding Circinn:

"Watson, CPNS 108, points out that OIr cír is 'a crest', and so cír-chenn is 'a crested head'. That seems more like a personal than a place-name, but Circhind is genitive, so Magh Circhind could be 'Circhen's plain'."

Cirech, on the other hand (according to William J. Watson in THE HISTORY OF THE CELTIC PLACE-NAMES OF SCOTLAND), meant "crested."  From the eDIL:

círach

adj o, ā (cír). In phr. cathbarr c.¤ crested helmet: a chathbarr c.¤ clárach, LU 6392 ( TBC-I¹ 1877 ) ( TBC-LL¹ 2533 ). cathbarr c.¤ 'ma chend cechtar nái, RC xiii 456.z . cathbairr ciracha, fororda, Cog. 162.5 . corrc[h]athbharr c.¤ , CCath. 5262 . cathbarr cirrach, YBL 121a45 . Note also: brú . . . / bheannbhachlach chíorach na gcolg (of ship), Measgra D. 48.34 .

If I had to hazard a guess as to a location for Cirech/Circinn, I would opt for the boundary region between Dunbartonshire and Stirlingshire.  When searching the maps and reading relevant descriptions of the area, I noticed the remarkably long escarpment with crags stretching from the Touch Hills in the east to the Fintry Hills in the west.  The 'crest' of this escarpment is remarked upon in great detail by the following geological report:

https://nora.nerc.ac.uk/id/eprint/13985/1/RR10007.pdf

"The member is restricted to the Fintry–Touch Block (Francis et al., 1970) and specifically to the western and northern parts of the Fintry Hills, and the northern parts of the Gargunnock and Touch hills. These rocks crop out from the crest of the crags at Double Craig [NS 6365 8701], westwards to Ballmenoch Burn [NS 6485 8692 to 6464 8752], and northwards to the prominent crags below Stronend [NS 6266 8950] which extend eastwards to the Spout of Ballochleam [NS 6526 8998] and on to the north-north-east, below Lees Hill [NS 6587 9106] and east-north-east to Standmilane Craig [NS 6704 9176] and Black Craig [NS 6841 9228]. From there, the outcrop continues to the east, passing through more crags and then to Baston Burn [NS 7437 9374]."

"The Lees Hill Lava Member consists predominantly of trachybasalt but also includes a plagioclase-macrophyric basalt lava (‘Markle’ type), and the rocks generally form the crest of the escarpment at the top of the cliffs formed by the Spout of Ballochleam Lava Member. The trachybasalt is typically fine grained, massive, locally ‘slaggy’ and highly vesicular, and with local platy jointing. A single trachybasalt lava is present in the east [NS 7184 9247], which occurs as an intercalation within the macroporphyritic basalt lavas of the Gargunnock Hills Lava Member, near to its base. In the Gargunnock Burn [NS 7065 9249 to 7059 9222] two trachybasalt lavas are present, separated by a plagioclasemacrophyric basalt lava that is absent farther west, where the member consists entirely of trachybasalt lavas."

"The member is restricted to the northern part of the Fintry–Touch Block (Francis et al., 1970) and specifically to the northern Gargunnock Hills and northern Touch Hills, northeast  of Glasgow. These rocks generally form the crest of the escarpment at the top of the cliffs formed by the Spout of Ballochleam Lava Member and crop out northwards from Gourlay’s Burn [NS 6628 8974 to 6625 9003] to Lees Hill [NS 660 910], east-north-east to Standmilane Craig [NS 6722 9180] and Black Craig [NS 6829 9219], and then eastwards through crags to the east of Gargunnock Burn [NS 7195 9244]."

 When I discussed this with place-name expert Alan James, he remarked:

 "The Gargunnock Hills are more immediately the boundary between the territory of the Miathi and (geographical) Strathclyde, ruled from Alclud. The R Endrick is still the boundary between W Dunbartonshire and Stirlingshire, and I think Fintry may be Brittonic *fin-dre 'boundary settlement' rather than a Gaelicised *(g)win-dre (as is the case with the one in Angus). Dalriada was to the west, across the Ben Lomond range and Loch Lomond. But that part of the Forth valley down to Stirling is the strategic heart of Scotland, anyone wanting to control the north of Britain has to win command of Castle Rock (Stirling) and The Fords of Frew. So battles were always going around there!"

Circinn as the 'crested head' or 'head of the crest' could be Stronend.  The first element of this hill-name is Scots-Gaelic strone (https://dsl.ac.uk/entry/snd/strone_n2), "A headland or promontory, esp. one that ends a range or ridge of hills."  Double Craigs is also a good candidate.  

 


Crags along the crest of the Fintry Hills

Crags along the crest of the Touch Hills

Crags along the crest of the Gargunnock Hills (and below)



[1]

MAEATAE

 Rivet & Smith, p. 404 :

SOURCE

- Xiphilinus 321 (summarising Cassius Dio LXXVI, 12) : Maiatai (= MAEATAE; twice);

- Jordanes 2, 14 (also quoting Cassius Dio) : Meatae

DERIVATION. Holder II. 388 thought the name Pictish, and it is discussed by Wainwright PP 51-52; it may survive in Dumyat and Myot Hill, near Stirling and thus north of the Antonine Wall. Watson CPNS 58 seems to take the name as wholly Celtic, as is surely right in view of the Continental analogues he cites for the second element or suffix : Gaulish Gais-atai 'spearmen' (*gaison 'spear'), Gal-atai 'warriors' (*gal 'valour, prowess'), Nantu-atai (-ates) 'valley-dwellers'; he notes also the presence in Ireland of the Magn-atai. See also ATREBATES, with further references. One might therefore conjecture that in this name at least the force of the suffix is 'those of. . . '. The first element might be the same as in Maia, probably 'larger', in which case a sense 'larger people' or more strictly 'people of the larger part' may be suitable. It is to be noted that Cassius Dio, as quoted by others, seems to say that Britain north of the Antonine Wall was divided between the Calidonii and the Maeatae, these having subsumed lesser tribes, and it could well be that the Maeatae were the 'people of the larger part'. The name was still in use in Adamnan's day : Miathi in his Life of St Columba, I, 8.

MAIA/MAIUM:

* Rivet & Smith, p. 408 :

SOURCES

- Rudge Cup and Amiens patera : MAIS

- Ravenna 1075 (= R&C 120) : MAIO

- Ravenna 10729 (= R&C 154) : MAIA 

- Ravenna 10922 (=R&C 298) : MAIONA

(ND : We propose to read, at XL49, Tribunus cohortis primae Hispanorum, MAIS (or MAIO); for the argument, see p. 221)

In his 1935 study of the Rudge Cup, Richmond noted that Bowness fort was the terminal point of two Systems, the Wall and the Cumbrian coastal defences, and was therefore mentioned twice by Ravenna (which, he then thought, rarely repeated names). The association of Ravenna's Maiona with this place is made here for the first time. Although at 10922 it figures in the list of islands ad aliam partem, and was taken as a western island by R&C, it is likely that (as is the case with other non-island names in this section) it was written 'in the sea' on a map and wrongly interpreted by the Cosmographer. Final -na could have arisen from *Maium (neuter singular) on the map, written as was the Cosmographer's habit *Maion and then miscopied.

DERIVATION. It is not sure what the correct form of this name in Latin guise should be. The only epigraphic evidence indicates a locative plural in -is (as argued also for the Rudge Cup form of Camboglanna). If this is right, the nominative neuter plural of the name is Maia, as in Ravenna I0729. In that case the neuter singular Maio and what we can see in Maiona are equally acceptable oblique-case singulars. All may be right; such variation in recorded forms is by no means improbable.

R&C suggests that the base of the name is British *maios, comparative of *maros (compare Latin maior), from which Welsh mwy derives; Jackson LHEB 357 and 360 appears to accept this. The sense is therefore 'larger (one or ones)', perhaps referring to the size of promontories (Bowness contrasted with Drumburgh). If thename is basically adjectival, it is easy to see how in differing interpretations it could be singular or plural, as the sources appear to show. The root is represented in personal names in Gaul such as Maiagnus, Maianus, Maiiona for *Magiona (Holder II. 387), perhaps Maiorix; in Gaul and Italy a goddess Maia was known. The only relevant place-names abroad seem to be Maio Meduaco between Brenta Vecchia and Brentella in N. Italy, and the Statio Maiensis mentioned under Magis. The North British Maeatae people may have a first element in their name corresponding to the present name.

[2]

19 1 In the eighteenth year of his reign, now an old man and overcome by a most grievous disease, he [Severus] died at Eboracum in Britain, after subduing various tribes that seemed a possible menace to the province.

https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/Septimius_Severus*.html#note136

5 4 Inasmuch as the Caledonians did not abide by their promises and had made ready to aid the Meaetae, and in view of the fact that Severus at the time was devoting himself to the neighbouring war, Lupus was compelled to purchase peace from the Maeatae for a large sum; and he received a few captives.

https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/76*.html

12 1 There are two principal races of the Britons, the Caledonians and the Maeatae, and the names of the others have been merged in these two. The Maeatae live next to the cross-wall which cuts the island in half, and the Caledonians are beyond them. 

5 1 When the inhabitants of the island again revolted, he [Severus] summoned the soldiers and ordered them to invade the rebels' country, killing everybody they met; and he quoted these words:

"Let no one escape sheer destruction,

No one our hands, not even the babe in the womb of the mother,

If it be male; let it nevertheless not escape sheer destruction."

2 When this had been done, and the Caledonians had joined the revolt of the Maeatae, he began preparing to make war upon them in person. While he was thus engaged, his sickness carried him off on the fourth of February, not without some help, they say, from Antoninus. 

https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/e/roman/texts/cassius_dio/77*.html

[3]

Place-name expert Alan James again came to the rescue when I asked how Bassas may have developed out of Late Latin or Late Brittonic:

“By the time the Latin word was adopted by Britt speakers, its inflectional forms were probably quite reduced at least in "vulgar" speech, and the Britt inflextions likewise. So your hypothetical form would be, for practical purposes *bassas. The -as suffix is nominal, noun-forming, it would be 'a shallow, shallows'. I suppose that might be a stream-name, more likely a name for a stretch of a river or a point on a river or estuary, a strategic location where a battle might well be fought, though of course there must be scores of possible candidates.”

Long ago the antiquarian Skene suggest Dunipace ner Falkirk in Stirlingshire for Arthur’s Bassas. The idea has not been thought well of by scholars over the years. However, recently place-name expert John Reid has tentatively proposed that Dunipace might be rendered Dun y Bas, the ‘Hill of the Ford.’

Commenting on this possibility, Alan James shared this with me:

“It ought to be *din-y-bas, not **dun-y-bais (that's what misled me); it would mean more correctly 'fort of the shallow', which is apparently okay topographically; the changes din > dun, /b/ > /p/, and /a/ > long /a:/ could all be explained in terms of adoption by Gaelic speakers. 'Hills of death' [a local, traditional etymology] would be G *duin-am-bais, which I wouldn't rule out, though I'm uneasy with /mb/ > /p/.”

Monday, February 6, 2023

MERLIN, AKA 'MYRDDIN' (SANS GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH)

Tinto Hill Cairn

Now that I have finished my Arthurian research and settled on a Northern candidate for a historical Arthur (a son of Sawyl Benisel of Ribchester), I thought I would offer a brief summary of my thoughts on the equally famous Merlin or, rather, Myrddin.  Over the years I have written a lot about this elusive character, although very little of it was able to fight its way free of the influence (or shall I say long shadow?) of Geoffrey of Monmouth.  What follows is who I think the original Cumbric Myrddin was - before Geoffrey got his ink-stained hands on the inherited Welsh legend.

***

The ancient Classical writer Procopius (in his 6th century CE History Of The Wars, VIII, XX. 42-48) said:


“Now in this island of Britain the men of ancient times built a long wall, cutting off a large part of it; and the climate and the soil and everything else is not alike on the two sides of it. For to the south of the wall there is a salubrious air, changing with the seasons, being moderately warm in summer and cool in winter… But on the north side everything is the reverse of this, so that it is actually impossible for a man to survive there even a half-hour, but countless snakes and serpents and every other kind of wild creature occupy this area as their own. And, strangest of all, the inhabitants say that if a man crosses this wall and goes to the other side, he dies straightway… They say, then, that the souls of men who die are always conveyed to this place.”


From the Welsh poem The Dialogue of Myrddin and Taliesin (Black Book of Carmarthen), we learn that at Myrddin’s Battle of Arderydd:


“Seven score chieftains became gwyllon; In the Wood of Celyddon they died.”


Gwyllon or ‘Wild Ones’ is a word deriving from gwyllt, ‘wild’. The Welsh epithet for Myrddin is, of course, Gwyllt. Myrddin Gwyllt is Myrddin ‘the Wild’.


But as Nikolai Tolstoy pointed out, there is something odd about these two lines. The gwyllon or ‘Wild Ones’ are equated with the warriors who died in the battle! The word ‘died’ in the poem’s second line is Middle Welsh daruuan, i.e. darfuan. Modern Welsh has darfyddaf or darfod, which according to the authoritative Geiriadur Prifysgol Cymru Welsh dictionary has the following meanings:


‘To come to an end, end, conclude, finish, complete, terminate, cease; expire, die, languish, weaken, fail, fade, decline, perish’


Darfod is an interesting word. It is from the prefix dar-, roughly ‘across’, and bod, ‘to be’, with the regular lenition of b>f. So literally ‘to be across’, possibly in the same sense in which we say of a dead person ‘he has crossed over’.


There is thus no ambiguity in the poetic passage we are considering. The warriors who became ‘Wild Ones’ did not go mad – they died. In this context, then, to become gwyllon means to become a roving spirit that has left its battle-slain body behind. To exist as a ‘Wild One’ is to exist in spirit-form after the death of the body. [1]


The Christian medieval mind either could not accept this notion of wandering spirits or, just as likely, misunderstood it. The gwyllon were transformed into living madmen who leapt or flitted about the forest much as did their Irish counterpart, Suibhne Geilt, or the British madman Fer Caille/Alladhan, mentioned in the story of Suihbne.


In another Myrddin poem, Greetings (Black Book of Carmarthen), we are told by Myrddin himself:


“The hwimleian speaks to me strange tidings, And I prophesy a summer of strife.”


Hwimleian or ‘Grey Wanderer’ is yet another word for a spirit or spectre.


We might then naturally conclude that Myrddin’s madness was of the same kind, i.e. he had died at the Battle of Arderydd.  The triple sacrifice he suffers at Drumelzier at the hands of Meldred’s shepherds would then be a “tag on”, made necessary because his already having died was no longer acknowledged and because it was politic to give him a Christian burial. I have shown elsewhere that the Drumelzier tradition is a relocalized one and that Myrddin does not really belong there at all [2]. 


However, the fact that his triple-death at Drumelzier is a sacred one, and one that mimics the death of the god Lleu in Welsh tradition, is significant.  The death is SACRIFICIAL in nature, and such triple deaths were meted out to HUMAN sacrifice victims (see Ross and Robins’ The Life and Death of a Druid Prince). Among the ancient Celts and Germans we have some testimony from Classical authors that war captives were the most commonly sacrificed humans.  It is not impossible that Myrddin was captured after the disastrous defeat at Arderydd and sacrificed by his enemy, although since that enemy seems to have been the Christian king Rhydderch, this is a difficult proposition to support. Perhaps a pagan ally of Rhydderch got his hands on Llallogan. Or Llallogan had fled to a neighboring tribal territory and was seized by an opportunistic chieftain.


In the Irish sources we are told of battle-panic and one of its unfortunate results.  For example, when the great hero Cuchulainn faces the opposing armies of Ireland,


“He saw from him the ardent sparkling of the bright golden weapons over the heads of the four great provinces of Eriu, before the fall of the cloud of evening. Great fury and indignation seized him on seeing them, at the number of his opponents and at the multitude of his enemies. He seized his two spears, and his shield and his sword, and uttered from his throat a warrior’s shout, so that sprites, and satyrs, and maniacs of the valley, and the demons of the air responded, terror-stricken by the shout which he had raised on high. And the Neman confused the army; and the four provinces of Eriu dashed themselves against the points of their own spears and weapons, so that one hundred warriors died of fear and trembling in the middle of the fort and encampment that night.”


This passage is from W.M. Hennessey’s “The Ancient Irish Goddess of War”.  Also from this source:


“Of the effects of this fear inspired by the Badb [or Nemhain] was geltacht or lunacy, which, according to the popular notion, affected the body no less than the mind, and, in fact, made its victims so that they flew through the air like birds.”


We learn more about the precise meaning of geltacht from the Electronic Dictionary of the Irish Language.  There we are told


geltacht


Keywords: panic; terror; frenzy; insanity


In Thomas Kinsella’s translation of “The Tain”, we learn that


“The Nemain brought confusion on the armies and a hundred of their number [while asleep!] fell dead.”


“… that same night Net’s wives, Nemain and Badb, called out to the men of Ireland near the field of Gairech and Irgairech, and a hundred warriors died of fright.”


In THE SAINTLY MADMAN: A STUDY OF THE SCHOLARLY RECEPTION HISTORY OF BUILE SHUIBHNE by Alexandra Bergholm, Department of Comparative Religion, University of Helsinki (2009), we are given a wonderful description of what happened to the title character when he was faced with the horror of battle:


“When the Battle of Mag Rath begins, Suibhne is suddenly alarmed by the cries of the two hosts, and the incident is depicted as follows:


…he looked up, whereupon turbulence (?), and darkness, and fury, and

giddiness, and frenzy, and flight, unsteadiness, restlessness, and

unquiet filled him, likewise disgust with every place in which he used

to be and desire for every place which he had not reached. His fingers

were palsied, his feet trembled, his heart beat quick, his senses were

overcome, his sight was distorted, his weapons fell naked from his

hands, so that through Ronan’s curse he went, like any bird of the air,

in madness and imbecility.”


It should be noted here immediately that the word translated ‘fury’ is nemhain, the goddess’s name used as a common noun.


When we come to the two accounts of the Battle of Arderydd, we see that the “Life of St. Kentigern” preserves the more authentic tradition (although highly Christianized, of course), while that found in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s “Life of Merlin” is considerably diluted:


St. Kentigern’s Life –


“In the midst of that fray, the very sky began to gape open above my head, and I heard what seemed to be a great cracking sound, a voice in the sky saying to me, ‘Lailoken, Lailoken, since you alone are guilty of the blood of all your slain comrades, you alone shall suffer for their sins.  You shall be handed over to the minions of Satan, and until the day of your death your companions shall be the beasts of the forest.’  And, as I turned my eyes to the source of the voice, I saw a brilliance so dazzling that no man could bear it.  I also saw numerous battle formations of an army in the sky, much like the streaks of lightning.  In their hands the warriors held burning lances and shining javelins whgich they brandished at me with bloodthirsty FURY [emphasis mine].  Then, as I turned away, a wicked spirit seized me and consigned me to live among the wild beasts of the forest, as you are my witness.”


Life of Merlin –


“Then, when the air was full of these repeated loud complainings [of Merlin’s grief], a strange madness came upon him. He crept away and fled to the woods, unwilling that any should see his going.  Into the forest he went, glad to lie hidden beneath the ash trees.  He watched the wild creatures grazing on the pasture of the glades.  Sometimes he would follow them, sometimes pass them in his course.  He made use of the roots of plants and of grasses, of fruit from ttrees and of the blackberries of the thicket.  He became a Man of the Woods [‘silvester homo’, the Fer Caille title given to him in the story of Suibhne Geilt], as if dedicated to the woods.  So for a whole summer he stayed hidden in the woods, discovered by none, forgetful of himself and of his own, lurking like a wild thing.”


The author Hennessey, like the Christian medieval audience of the Merlin story, did not realize that madness could be a poetic metaphor for a spectral death-state.  It was not the demented body that fled like a bird through the forest after a battle, but the spirit of the warrior whose death was literally caused by the goddess Nemhain.


Nemhain’s involvement in such battles reinforces my earlier argument that Myrddin’s/Merlin’s Lady of the Lake, who goes by names such as Viviane, Ninniane, Nimiane, etc., and who is also found in Welsh sources as Nefyn, wife of Cynfarch, is indeed Nemhain.


So what to make of Myrddin’s madness [3]?   


Part of the clue to solving the mystery may involve the “coincidental” pairings of Myrddin/Llallogan and St. Martin and/or St. Ninian sites.  We find early St. Martin churches in Liddesdale, where Myrddin fights and is defeated at Arfderydd  We find St. Ninian (of Whithorn or Candida Casa, with its supposed very early St. Martin’s Church) at Cathures (probably the Roman fort of Cadder) and the Molendinar Burn in Glasgow, where St. Kentigern later met Llallogan (Laloecen).  We find a Martin name atop Myrddin’s mountain of Tinto [4], and there was a Ninian church at Wiston itself (although this appears to have been established by the Templers). 


Some have tried to make a case for Myrddin BEING St. Martin, but in Welsh, Martinus would become *Merthin and it is impossible, linguistically speaking, for Myrddin to come from the Latin name.


St. Martin died on the date of a Roman festival to the Manes and his feast/funeral day became known as Old Halloween or Old Allhallows Eve. 

I had before written about the death and burial of Myrddin at a river confluence, and how this brings to mind Candes or Condate ("confluence") of St. Martin, as well as the god Mars Condatis in Britain (see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2020/03/myrddin-mars-condatis-and-st-martin.html).

While it was easy to explain Myrddin's replacement by St. Martin, it was not so easy to account for why Ninian, or rather *Uinniau, came to be associated with Myrddin or St. Martin.  Two articles cover my thoughts on this problem:


[1]

According to Dr. Graham Isaac of The National University of Ireland, Galway, the name Myrddin may be from an earlier, not directly attested *Myr-ddyn, with the second element dyn ‘man, person’, and the first element Myr- which is found in the name of the Old Irish goddess-type figure Morrigan (who also prophesies), and in English night-mare, and also in several Slavic words. This original form would have been something like *moro-donyes, ‘man-demon, specter’ or “man of supernatural character” (see Isaac, G., 2001, 'Myrddin, proffwyd diwedd y byd: ystyriaethau newydd ar ddatblygiad ei chwedl', Llên Cymru, 24 :13-23).

Thus the basic meaning of the name Myrddin was ‘supernatural being, elf, goblin, phantom’ or the like. Another possible rendering would be something like ‘Elf-man’. His father’s name was Morfryn or Mor-bryn, literally ‘Elf-hill’.

Myrddin was a sort of revered ghost, something akin to the manes of Roman religion.  About the closest thing we in the modern world can compare this to is the Cult of the Saints.  We understand how a dead holy man could be worshiped, and how one could communicate with him.  

The primary difference between the two is that while a saint became divine after his death due to his religious works in life, a pagan became a species of god simply because ghosts were inherently divine.

The easiest way for us to understand Myrddin is to take a good look at a recent study of the Roman cult of the dead by Dr. Charles King.  After offering a definition of the manes, the author challenges "the widespread assumption that the term 'manes' always refers to collective groups of the dead" and demonstrates "that the Romans worshipped dead individuals as manes."

A funeral inscription from Netherby, Cumbria, next to the Myrddin sites, showing D.M. for 'Dis Manibus'

From "The Ancient Roman Afterlife: Di Manes, Belief, and the Cult of the Dead":  (https://books.google.com/books?id=bErUDwAAQBAJ&printsec=copyright#v=onepage&q&f=false):


[2]

I’m convinced the answers lies in a relocation.  In Liddesdale, at Newcastleton, the Tweeden Burn empties into the Liddel Water. 

Early forms of this stream-name include Tueeden (Blaeu/Pont map 1654), Tweden (1541, 1580), Tweden (1583), Tueden (1599), Twyden (1841).

According to Alan James, this stream-name appears to represent Tweed + a diminutive Brittonic –in suffix, and this

“… pushes the name back to the 12th century or earlier, possibly a lot earlier, and implies the stream was called Tweed or something similar before that.”

Given that Myrddin/Llallogan fought at Arthuret where the Liddel and the Esk meet, and Meldred/Maldred may have been the lord of Cumbria, I would identify as the proper death-place of our “madman” the Tweeden Burn.  This notion is made all the more attractive by the presence at Old Castleton, a bit further up the Liddel, of a very early St. Martin’s Church, quite possibly an establishment originating from Whithorn.  I have suggested elsewhere that Myrddin was either identified with St. Martin or replaced by the saint in several locations in Lowland Scotland.

If I’m right and the Tweeden Burn is the place where Myrddin underwent his triple sacrifice, then the churchyard he was buried in must be that of St. Martin’s at Old Castleton. Note that there is no St. Martin or St. Ninian connection to Drumelzier.

However, we have forgotten about the Powsail Burn at Drumelzier. This place-name is from *pol-, ‘pool’, plus the word for ‘willow.’  Not coincidentally, there is a Willow Pool at the confluence of the Liddel Water and the Esk.  This is also the location of the Liddel Strength fort, sometimes also referred to in the sources as the Moat of Liddel (not to be confused with the castle at Old Castleton in Liddesdale).

[3]

Terms relevant to Myrddin's madness as drawn from the GPC:

gwyllt, gwyll3 

[H. Grn. asen guill, gl. onager, Crn. gwyls, gwylls, H. Lyd. gueld-enes, gl. insula indomita et inhabitabilis, H. Wydd. geilt (bnth. efallai o’r Frth.; cf. yr epithed yn e.’r ddau gymeriad Myrddin Wyllt a Suibhne geilt): < *u̯eltī, sef ff. yn cynnwys estyniad -t- ar y gwr. IE. *əl- ‘troi, cordeddu’ neu *u̯el- ‘tynnu, plicio’, cf. Alm. wild, S. wild; am y ff. gwyll, cf. gwell am gwellt (er mai mater o org. ydyw weithiau)]

frantic, raving, demented, distracted, mad (as in the name Myrddin Wyllt)
 b  (yn y ff. l. gwyll(i)on) Rhai sy’n wyllt, cyflym, &c. (e.e. meirch ysbrydol neu nwyfus, milwyr sy’n ymladd fel pe baent wallgof), gwallgofiaid; pobl ddidoriad, rhai heb eu gwastrodi; ysbrydion, bwganod:

wild ones (e.g. spirited horses, warriors fighting as if mad), madmen; turbulent or unruly people; sprites. 

gwyllon, gwyllion 

[camystyr a roes John Davies i enghrau. o ff. l. gwyllt, gwyll3 drwy eu cysylltu â gwyll1]

e.ll.

Ysbrydion y meirw, cysgodion, drychiolaethau, bwbachod; rhodienwyr neu ladron nos, gwylliaid:

manes, the spirits of the dead, shades, ghosts, sprites, hobgoblins; night-prowlers, night-thieves, vagabonds. 

1632 D, *gwyllon, tenebriones, manes.

1688 TJ, gwŷll, gwâg ysprŷd: a Hag, Goblin or Ghost.

id., gwŷllon, gwâg ysprydion: walking Spirits, Goblins.

1753 TR, †gwyllon, spirits, ghosts, hobgoblins; night-walkers, night-thieves.

c. 1753 Gron 97, Ewch … / At wyllon y tywyllwg, / I oddef fyth ei ddu fwg.

1773 W d.g. ghosts of the dead, manes.

1793 Dafydd Ionawr: CD 196, Y Ddaear sydd yn ddiau / Ym mron gan y Gwyllon gau.

1800 P, gwyllion, shades, ghosts; hobgoblins; night-walkers.

id., gwyllon, shades, phantoms; ghosts.

Gw. hefyd gwyllt, ŵyll.

ellyll 

[?all (yr elf. a welir yn arall)+-yll neu hyll, ond cf. yr e.p. Gwydd. Ailill < Aillill]

• eg. (un. bach. ellyllyn) ll. ellyllon, ellyllion, ellyllod, ellyllau.

a  Coblyn, un o’r tylwyth teg, drychiolaeth, lledrith, ysbryd, aneilun, bwbach, bwci; ysbryd drwg, anysbryd, Beibl. math o ddiafol yn trigo mewn adfeilion, ysbryd dewiniaeth; un dieflig o greulon:

goblin, elf, fairy, sprite, genius (of a place, &c.), apparition, phantom, spectre, wraith, ghost, shade, bogey; evil spirit, fiend, devil, demon, bibl. a kind of demon that haunts ruins, satyr, familiar spirit

llall [from which Llallawg and Llallogan are derived]

[tebyg fod y llall yn ff. ddbl. ar all-, cf. arall, H. Lyd. al(l)all, a’r H. Wydd. alaill, ff. ddiryw ar alaile ‘y llall’]

rh. ll. lleill, a’i ragflaenu gan y fan.

a  (Yr) un arall (rhai eraill, gweddill, rhelyw); (y) nesaf, (yr) ail, (yr) un cyfatebol:

(the) other (others, rest); (the) next, (the) second

*chwyfleian, chwimleian, chwimbleian, chwibleian

[chwŷf+lleian ‘un llwyd ei wedd’ (llai ‘gwelw, llwyd’); hen org. am chwyfleian yw chwimleian, chwibleian oherwydd sgrifennu m a b am f. Oherwydd camddeall yr elf. olaf, aeth y gair i olygu ‘daroganwraig’, &c.]

eg.b. ll. -od.

a  Gŵr gwyllt gwelw ei wedd, crwydryn:

wild man of pallid countenance, wanderer. 

13g. C 519-10, disgogan hwimleian hwetil adiwit.

id. 557-8, Rimdyuueid huimleian chuetyl enryuet.

c. 1400 R 5809-10, Wi awendyd wenn mawr adrasdil gogan chwipleian chwedleu.

[4]

The reference to the location of this mountain is found in Gwasgargerd vyrdin yny bed, the “Separation-Song of Myrddin in the Grave” of the Red Book of Hergest.  There Myrddin says:

‘Gwasawg, your cry to Gwenddydd
was told to me by the wild men of the mountain
in Aber Caraf.’

From other references in the early poetry we know that Gwasawg was a ‘supporter’ of the Christian champion Rhydderch Hael, King of Strathclyde.  The name is a diminutive of Welsh gwas, ‘lad, servant’.

As it turns out, St. Kentigern as a boy (see Chapter 8 of Jocelyn's Vita) is called servuli, from servulus, a dim. of Latin servus, with a meaning 'sevant-lad, young slave'.

As Kentigern is brought into close connection with Myrddin as Lailoken in the saint's life, and Kentigern's royal patron was Rhydderch, I'm proposing that Gwasawg is a Welsh rendering of servuli and that the former is thus St. Kentigern himself.

Note that Myrddin is said to be chased by the hunting-dogs of Rhydderch, and Kentigern or *Cuno-tigernos means "Hound Lord."

While Aber Caraf has been rendered by at least one translator as Aber Craf (Peter Goodrich, The Romance of Merlin, 1990), a location in south-central Wales, we can be sure it is actually to be found in Lowland Scotland. 

We have seen how Merlin/Lailoken is present in both the region of Glasgow and at Drumelzier on the Tweed.  It has long been thought that his mountain must have been somewhere between these two places, and most likely at or not far from the sources of the Clyde and Tweed, a sort of symbolic ‘center’ of the southern ‘Caledonian Wood’. 

I would identify the mountain in Aber Caraf with Tinto Hill (2320 feet / 707 meters), which looms over ancient Abercarf, now called Wiston.  Abercarf, according to the Scottish Place-Name Society’s “Brittonic Language in the North”, is from aber, ‘confluence’, plus garw, ‘rough’, derived from the name of the Garf Water, a tributary of the upper Clyde.

However, when I asked Alan James, the author of BLITON, as to the possibility that Abercarf could instead contain carw, 'stag', he responded:

"Quite right. As to the merits of the two interpretations, I'm agnostic. The phonology of either wouldn't be difficult to explain. Garw and Gaelic garbh are of course pretty common in river-names, and I'm rather less eager than some place-name scholars to see animals, e.g. carw, in such names, but there certainly are parallels."

Just a few kilometers upstream on the Clyde from the Garf Water is Hartside and Hartside Burn.  Red Deer were once plentiful here. 

Given Myrddin's association with the stag in Geoffrey of Monmouth's "Life of Merlin" (see Chapter 5), and his placement historically at Arferderydd/Arthuret in Cumbria in what was the northwestern limit of the ancient Carvetti (Stag-people) territory, a mountain at the confluence of the Stag Water would make a lot of sense.

Tinto Hill is situated between Drumelzier to the east and Glasgow to the northwest.  It is also only a few miles north-northwest of the headwaters of the Clyde and Tweed.  Thus it just happens to stand exactly where we would expect the hill of Myrddin to be found. 

The hill’s name was discussed long ago by W. J. Watson in his GENERAL SURVEY OF AYRSHIRE AND STRATHCLYDE, History of the Celtic Placenames of Scotland, 1926 (reprinted 1993 by BIRLINN, Edinburgh, ISBN 1 874744 06 8):

“Tinto appears in 'Karyn de Tintou,' 'Kaerne de Tintou,' c. 1315 (RMS); in Macfarlane it is Tyntoche once, Tynto thrice; in Scots, Tintock, as also in the Retours ; it is for teinteach, 'place of fire'…”

Atop Tinto Hill is Tinto Cairn, of Bronze Age date and the largest summit cairn in all of Scotland.  Details on the hill and cairn can be found here:

http://canmore.rcahms.gov.uk/en/site/47525/details/tinto+cairn/

http://www.undiscoveredscotland.co.uk/biggar/tinto/index.html

http://www.scotlandsplaces.gov.uk/search_item/image.php?service=RCAHMS&id=47525&image_id=SC342977

Different reasons have been supplied for why this hill is called ‘place of fire’.  One suggests it gets its name from the fact that its exposed red Felsite rock can be given a fiery glow by the setting sun.  This geology is discussed here:

http://jncc.defra.gov.uk/pdf/gcrdb/GCRsiteaccount401.pdf

Another possible explanation is that the hill was used for beacon fires or even for Beltane fires:

“Long a beacon post and a place of Beltane fires, it took thence its name of Tinto, signifying the ‘hill of fire’.” [Groome, 1885, Ordnance Gazetteer of Scotland]

I would say these apparently conflicting ideas are not mutually exclusive.  Indeed, it may precisely have been the red-glowing color of the rocks in the light of the setting sun that drew people to this mountain as being particularly sacred, and they may then have used it for Beltane fires. 

It would surely be significant if Myrddin were thought to be communing with the ancestral ghosts at a huge Bronze Age cairn atop a mountain known as the Place of Fire.  This would intimately connect him with seasonal Beltane rites.