Tuesday, March 12, 2019

Worship of the Battle Standards at Birdoswald/Banna Roman Fort



"To the Standards and to the Divinities of the Emperor the First Aelian Cohort of the Dacians..."

The Dacian garrison at Birdoswald set up an altar to Roman military standards (Latin signum, pl. signi, 'battle standard').  While we have a handful of similar dedications in Britain, this altar may be taken as evidence that the soldiers at Banna actively worshiped their own draco.


There is also a marked preference at Banna for the god Jupiter Optimus Maximus.  Of the 44 altars and other votive stones we have found there, a full 22 are to I.O.M. (RIB 1874-1896 inclusive, and 1929a/b; see http://roman-britain.co.uk/places/birdoswald.htm).  It is tempting to relate the Dacian fondness for the Roman sky god to their native bear-god Zalmoxis.  In addition, I've many times pointed out that the story of Arthur's conception finds its parallel in that of Herakles. Zeus/Jupiter is, of course, the father of the Greek hero.  




Friday, March 8, 2019

THE 'DRACO' STANDARD by J.C.N. Coulston


An excellent recent piece on the draco standard.  My apologies for the format issues; I had to resort to Google docs to extract this from a rather bizarre pdf.  The several B+W photos are missing.  Otherwise, the text seems intact and is very informative.  Enjoy!

Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
101
The ‘draco standard
J.C.N. Coulston
At some point in the 1st or early 2nd century AD, Roman cavalry started to use an entirely new type of military standard, the draco'. According to Roman sources, this standard flew from the top of a staff and had a wolf or snake's head with a free-flowing, sinuous body. The aim of this paper is to review both the Roman and non-Roman evidence for dracones', and to attempt to explain their adoption and spread amongst Roman troops. The ramifications of this discussion are not only important for Roman military equipment studies, but are also relevant to an under standing of cultural interactions between the Roman empire and its neighbours.
each legionary cohors. This might refer to Tetrarchic practice, as well as to 4th century provision. Two draconarii are also mentioned in inscriptions. One of them was a Tetrarchic or later period cavalryman in the numerus octava Dalmatarum.8
Fourth century dracones were mentioned by Zosimos and Ammianus. One was lost ignominiously by Roman scouts during Julian's Persian war. When the usurper Silvanus was elevated at Köln by his troops cloth from purple dracones and vexilla was used as a temporary expedient. 10 On Julian's acclama tion a draconarius of the infantry Petulantes supplied his torquis as a diadem. 11 At the battle of Argentorate Julian was recognised by his personal purple draco which was on a tall staff and apparently hung like a snake-skin. 12 The entry of Constantius II into Rome saw the emperor surrounded by purple-embroidered dracones attached to gilded and gem-studded staffs. With their mouths open they hissed and waved in the wind. 13 Similar qualities of sound and movement were noted by Prudentius 14 and Claudian.15
REPRESENTATIONAL SOURCES
DOCUMENTARY SOURCES
In his discussion of Hadrianic period cavalry manoeuvres, Arrian descibed a standard attached to a staff, with a head in snake form and a body of brightly coloured cloth.2 This body hung down when the standard was at rest, but, when carried by a horseman at the gallop it extended, and the draco hissed and moved realistically in the wind. This was not only an effective sight but the standards also distinguished detachments of troops and prevented confusion between them on the march. Arrian further stated that the draco was not Roman in origin, but was adopted from the 'Scythians', an important ascription which will be further discussed below.
After Arrian there are a number of literary refer ences to Roman dracones, most of them recorded in the 4th century.3 The Historia Augusta stated that legionary troops paraded with dracones and other standards in Rome during the reign of Gallienus.4 When Aurelian's troops entered Palmyra the Temple of Sol (Bel) was apparently sacked by legionary aquiliferi, vexillarii, draconarii and cornicines. In this unreliable source these details may have been supplied from 4th rather than 3rd century practice.
The legionary rank of draconarius was mentioned by Vegetius on a number of occasions in conjunction with other standard-bearers. Of particular interest is his statement that a draconarius carried a draco for
Probably the earliest representations of dracones' in Roman art appear on two Flavian(?) pier-shafts from Rome, and now at Firenze (Fig.1).16 Long, narrow panels depict piles of military equipment which was presumably intended to be spolia taken from defeated barbarians. The high degree of applied decorative detail, and the inclusion of ships and artillery-pieces owed more to the triumphal genre than to empirical observation of actual artefacts by the sculptors. However, approximately ten 'dracones' are clearly distinguishable from Celtic animal standards and boar-headed trumpets (carnyces). Allowing for damage and the florid style of the work, each draco' has a sinuous body and a head with pointed ear, prominant eye and nostril, a long narrow snout and jaws with serried sharp teeth (including canines). A fin-like appendage below the head suggests that a hybrid lupine/aquatic creature is intended.
102
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
Fig.1: 'Draco' head on a Domitianic(?) pilaster relief
from Rome. Galleria degli Uffizi, Firenze (after
CROUS 1933). On the spiral frieze of Trajan's Column there are no less than 20 'dracones', most of which are carried by Dacian warriors (Fig.2). 17 All are wolf-headed with pointed ears, gaping mouths, and curving tongues. They have undulating, tapering bodies with three or four narrow fillets which trail short ribbons. Each 'draco' is attached by the head to the top of a staff, and the junction comes below the neck, the eye, or the jaw. Amongst the barbarian spolia on the sides of the pedestal of Trajan's Column there are three pairs of 'dracones' (Fig.3).18 These are of the same type as those on the spiral, but their undoubtedly lupine dentition is more detailed because they are larger-scale representations.
Another barbarian draco' is sculpted on one of the dado panels from the Hadrianeum in Rome (Fig.4).19 Dating to the late Hadrianic or early Antonine period, the wolf-head has a prominant eye and nostril, pointed ears, gaping mouth, a thick curving tongue and both molar and canine teeth. The body is longer and narrower than previous examples, and it sports at least
five ribbon-bearing fillets.
Rather less well-depicted 'dracones' appear on two Late Antonine(?) works. Scene LV of the Column of Marcus Aurelius shows two trophies of barbarian equipment; the one on the right includes a pair of carnyces, whilst two 'dracones' with wolf-heads figure on the left.20 However, the Portonaccio sar cophagus from Rome bears the earliest representa tions of 'dracones' being carried by Roman troops, and not in barbarian use. 21 The main battle scene on the front includes one draco' which serves with other types of standards to frame the central mounted general figure (Fig.5). A wolf-head has a flaring nostril, long snout and pointed ears, but the staff joins the undulating tapering body, not the head. This feature is also seen on the right end of the sar-
cophagus where five dismounted Roman cavalrymen carry spears, a vexillum and two lupine 'dracones' (Fig.6).22
A standard without its head is carried by a cavalry man on a relief from Chester (England).23 The body is smooth, sinuous and supported on a staff which is held vertically in two hands (Fig. 7). The degree of sculpted detail is not high, but a ribbed conical helmet is worn by the rider. On the basis of the latter, and for other reasons, he is generally identified as a Sarmatian with reference to the 5,500 lazy ges reportedly sent to Britain by Marcus.24 Running parallel with his thigh may be seen either the edge of a saddle, or a short sword. If it is a weapon, comparison may be made with Sarmatian artefacts,25 and with the swords worn by Sarmaticised horsemen on 1st to 2nd century Crimean gravestones.26 The Chester stone may date to the later 2nd century, or to the 3rd century.
A rather more stylised 'draco' is seen on an Antonine(?) panel, now in the British Museum Town ley Collection.27 This depicts spolia in a style which clearly plagiarises the pedestal reliefs of Trajan's Column. A draco' with prominant eye and pointed ear, but no nostrils, has a toothless, pointed and curving mouth. Despite the ears, the effect is more ichthic than lupine.
The first, and in many ways the most convincing representation of a truly serpentine draco is on the 3rd century Great Ludovisi Sarcophagus from Rome (Fig. 8).28 As on the Portonaccio Sarcophagus, it too serves to pinpoint the main mounted general on the front panel, and it too is associated with Roman cavalry. The body is smooth, but the head is depicted with overlapping scales, an upstanding crest, a snake eye, a full set of small teeth but no canines, and barbels on the lower jaw. The staff joins the body, not the head.
Serpentine dracones are next depicted on the Arch of Galerius at Thessalonike (c.AD 298–305) in some numbers (Fig. 9).29 They are employed specifically to signpost imperial figures in battle and adlocutio scenes, in the latter case in combination with vexilla, and are carried exclusively by cavalrymen.30 In common with the overall style of the sculptures, the dracones are given little detail, and many are dam aged. Heads with teeth, but lacking ears, are attached to staffs and trail long and plain undulating bodies. Cavalry on the Arch of Constantine in Rome (AD 315) carry two dracones which are carved in higher relief and in slightly more detail than on the Galerian arch (Fig. 10).31 The better preserved example has an
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
103
Fig.2: Dacian 'draco' on the spiral frieze of Trajan's Column, Rome. Detail of Scene LXIV (Photo: J.C.N.
Coulston).
Fig.3: 'Draco' on the pedestal of Trajan's Column, Rome. Detail of the upper left, north-east side (Photo:
J.C.N. Coulston).
104
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
HAATATAAN
Fig.4: Draco' and tunic spolia, relief from the Hadrianeum, Rome (Photo: J.C.N. Coulston).
Fig.5: 'Draco' on the front of the Portonaccio Sarcophagus, Museo delle Terme, Rome (Photo: J.C.N.Coulston).
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
105
Fig.6: 'Draco' on the right end of the Portonaccio Sarcophagus, Museo delle Terme, Rome (Photo: J.C.N.
Coulston).
upstanding, swept-back crest, a gaping mouth with small teeth (but not canines), a small eye, and barbels on the lower jaw. There is also a broken fin below the head. The staff joins the body, not the head.
Copper alloy box panels from Ságvár (Hungary), dating to the 4th century, provide the last depictions of Roman dracones (Fig. 11).32 The scale is too small and the detail too slight to give a clear indication of the draco type, but, most importantly, the dracones are carried by infantry as well as cavalry.
of eyes faces out to the sides from positions forward of the corners of the mouth. A brow-ridge runs across the skull between and above the eyes, and then back along the sides of the head. The open mouth is full of triangular teeth, but exhibits no fangs or canines. An upstanding crenellated crest is attached to the top of the skull.
Two holes are pierced one above the other through the top behind the crest and through the bottom on the neck. These would have served to secure the head to its staff by passing it through both of them. On the bottom surface there is a pair of 2cm long axial slits. This may have served to fix an internal mechanism designed to produce the desired hissing noise effect. The upper sheet is gilded whilst the lower is tinned and a brightly coloured fabric body was presumably attached over the rear flange.
DISCUSSION
THE ARTEFACT
A copper alloy object found on the south-east edge of the fort vicus at Niederbieber (Germany) may with some confidence be identified as the head of a draco standard (Fig. 12).33 A 30cm long snake-head is formed by joining two embossed sheets. An upper half overlaps a lower and the two are attached by five flattened rivets on each side. At the base of the neck the sheets are turned out to form a circular flange on which a pair of rivets also fixes the two halves together. The neck and skull are covered with over lapping scales and the area in front of the eyes has a series of parallel ridges and a pair of small nostrils facing forward on the front. The under-surface of the lower jaw has parallel lines of dashing. A small pair
A number of conclusions may be drawn from the Roman evidence reviewed above. Firstly, the lupine form of draco' standard was principally associated with 1st-2nd century Danubian barbarians. It came into Roman cavalry use, but in the surviving pictorial sources it does not outlast the Antonine period. On the other hand, Arrian indicated that the snake-headed
106
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
Fig. 7: Sculpture of a rider carrying a 'draco' standard, Chester, Grosvenor Museum.
draco was in existance and in Roman cavalry employ from at least the time of Hadrian. It became the sole type in Roman use after the 2nd century. Through the 2nd and most of the 3rd centuries, 'dracones' were seemingly confined to cavalry, but they spread to legionary and other infantry possibly in the later 3rd, and certainly by the 4th century. In addition, dracones were employed as the personal standards of emperors during the 4th century.
There is some additional evidence for the use of dracones by Rome's eastern adversaries. Lucian of Samosata described Parthian dracones in the 2nd century AD,34 and the Historia Augusta mentioned 3rd century Sassanid examples.35 The former used the standard to parody fantastic 'eyewitness' detail supplied by a historian who never left home. The dracones in question were said to have been real, ferocious snakes which came off their staffs and swallowed up Roman soldiers! Lucian adds in parent hesis that a draco led a thousand men. The Historia Augusta is again not altogether reliable in detail, and no dracones are figured in Parthian or Sassanid art. However, a silver head of a senmurv (a mythical
Iranian dog-bird hybrid) at the Hermitage Museum in St Petersburg has been identified as part of a draco' standard.36 By coincidence, it is the same length as the Niederbieber snake-head (30cm). Nevertheless, the piece is undated and may be post-Sassanid. If the forces of Rome's Mesopotamian-Iranian neighbours did use 'dracones', they may have adopted them from Roman use or through northern contacts with steppe nomads. Even if the evidence is taken at face value, it suggests that the Romans adopted dracones' before the Parthians did.
Arrian stated that Roman troops took the draco standard from the 'Scythians', most likely his archais ing term for 'Sarmatians'.37 Given the Danubian ethno-historical context of the pictorial evidence, this allows for the straight-forward hypothesis that the westward advance of Sarmatian groups spread
dracones' from Asia into Europe. The first sedentary people to use these standards were perhaps the Dacians (Fig.2). Roman cavalry adopted 'dracones' during a series of Flavian and Trajanic conflicts with trans-Danubian peoples.38 This forms a pattern in common with other periods and places. The material
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
107
Fig.8: Draco standard on the front of the Great Ludovisi Sarcophagus, Museo delle Terme, Rome (Photo:
J.C.N. Coulston).
Fig. 9: Draco standard on the Arch of Galerius, Thessalonike. Detail of battle scene on the south-west side of the
middle pier (Photo: J.C.N. Coulston).
108
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
Fig. 10: Draco standard on the Arch of Constantine, Rome. Detail of the Constantinian adventus frieze (Photo:
J.C.N. Coulston).
culture of Asiatic steppe nomads was often crucially influential upon sedentary societies in the sphere of equestrian military equipment.39 A clear contem porary parallel is the 1st century AD Sarmaticization of Greek cities in the north Black Sea region. Crimean frescoes and sculptures depict Sarmatian armour and weapons used by local elites for both hunting and
war. 40
Several features of Roman military practice reflected the impact of Sarmatian culture. The order of battle planned by Arrian for facing the Alani was solely designed to withstand and repulse the charge of lance-armed cavalry.41 This assault posed the most urgent tactical problem for Roman commanders.42 Part of the solution adopted in the 2nd century was to equip selected units of Roman cavalry with more complete armour (alae catafractariorum) and/or lances (alae contariorum) following Sarmatian practice.43 Thus, 'dracones' would have been adopted along with other steppe cavalry equipment.
It is interesting to note that wolf-headed dracones' continued in steppe nomad use after the Roman period. For example, a Chinese description of Turkish cavalry dating to AD 581 included standards with staffs topped by the gold head of a she-wolf.44 Fres coes from a number of Central Asian sites demonstrate that lupine dracones' were in use as late
as the 10th century AD (Fig. 13).45 A close medieval parallel to Roman 'draco'-adoption is provided by a 9th century illumination in the St Gall Psalter (Fig.14).46 It depicts Carolingian cavalry led by a draconarius. The draco' has a very long staff, a yellow body with fins, and a green fish-head with fire(?) coming from the mouth in medieval dragon style. Its Frankish employ may be explained by Carolingian wars with the Avars and Magyars. In support of this supposition, an ivory plaque at Trier (Germany) shows a Carolingian horseman with a realistically modelled asiatic composite bow.47 Whether Roman or Frankish, sedentary cultures were periodically forced to adopt asiatic forms of equip ment in order to face each new wave of nomadic
steppe horsemen which moved into Europe.48
For the draco to have been adopted alongside more functional equipment, it must have been an impres sive and efficient cavalry standard, if such terms may be employed. The Roman sources constantly emphas ised the lifelike qualities of the snake (both in movement and sibilance) and its bright colour, often purple. Even if these features contributed to the creation of a literary topos, the image created is very different from conventional Roman standards. Unlike many of the latter, dracones may not have borne unit identifying inscriptions. They were ideal for fast
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
109
10 cm
Fig.12: Copper-alloy head, Niederbieber, Germany.
Staatliches Amt fur Vor- und Frühgeschichte, Koblenz (after EIDEN 1982).
Fig.11: Dracones on a copper-alloy box panel, 4th
century AD, Ságvár, Hungary. Detail of infan try and triumphal emperor. National Museum,
Budapest (after BURGER 1966). movement as Arrian described, and as the Arch of Galerius successfully conveys (Fig. 9). Silk for the body would have enhanced its sinuous undulation. The gem-encrusted staff described by Ammianus on Constantius II's standard reflected the decoration current on other classes of 4th century military equip- ment.49 The hissing sound could perhaps have been varied to a howl for a wolf-headed ‘draco'. Sound was an important element of display and psychologi- cal stimulus in any pre-modern battle. The whistling of the humming-bulb arrows50 used by later Asiatic peoples would have added to the blare of horns51 and howling or hissing of dracones.
Two problems yet remain to be examined. It seems strange that, after the steppe draco' tradition was adopted for Roman use, wolf-heads should have given way to snake-headed standards. Secondly, some explanation should be attempted for the spread of a steppe cavalry type of standard to eventual employ- ment by Roman infantry.
The snake-heads of draco standards depicted on Roman monuments and represented by the Niederbie- ber head are not 'dragons' in the medieval sense, but true reptilian snakes. They follow the conventions of Roman art which commonly included the upstanding crest and mouth full of sharp teeth. Many examples are to be seen in lararium paintings at Pompeii,52 for example, and in funerary sculpture.53 Indeed, the standards with snake-heads are less fantastic than the
lupine type which may be linked with the senmurv, oriental dragon and other Asiatic mythical beasts.54
The explanation for the adoption of snake imagery for standards may lie with the fact that Thracian equestrian traditions were dominant in those Roman frontier regions contacted by Sarmatian peoples.55 This Danubian mounted culture was symbolised by the numerous class of votive stone, terracotta and metallic plaques which depict the Thracian Rider God. Often the deity is accompanied by a snake which seems to float above him.56 The serpent on a plaque from Carnuntum is represented with scales, teeth and an upstanding frilled crest,57 just like the dracones seen elsewhere in Roman art. In many of these cases the riders carry a spear, held vertically, and when the weapon and snake coincide there is naturally the possibility that a draco standard was intended. 58 The snake may pass in front of, or behind the shaft, but the attitude of the latter in a few instances makes a standard identification almost certain (Fig. 15).59 Many of these plaques may date to the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD, and they raise the possibility that Sarmatian wolf-dracones' were given a local interpretation and transformed into the writh ing snakes appropriate to Danubian cavalrymen. In this connection it is also noticeable that snakes play a prominent part in the decoration of those classes of 2nd 3rd century military equipment (sports helmets, greaves and chamfrons) particularly associated with
110
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
Fig.13: 'Draco' on an 7th-8th century AD fresco,
Qizil, Xinjiang, China (after VON LE COQ 1925).
draco to each legionary cohors. This seems to be the first reference to a single, overall cohort standard. Traditionally there were none between the levels of centurial or manipular signa and legionary aquila.61 This is a curious absence if the cohors was the tactical unit in the Principate legio, and auxiliary units had their own cohors level standards.62 Perhaps the increasing tendency in the 3rd century to detach cohortes from parent legiones played a part in draco provision.
It might further be speculated that replacement of the traditional vexillum in such circumstances started as a Danubian practice which spread out to other army groups with the movement of Illyrian units. From the Antonine to the Tetrarchic periods the Danubian army rose to a military, political and cultural prominance which was reflected in the development and spread of military equipment types. This process was certainly stimulated by interaction with Sarmatians beyond the frontiers. The Roman adoption of both ring-pommel swords and scabbard-slides in the 2nd century, like the use of dracones, may, with some assurance, be attributed to such contacts.63
There is a chronic need for a definitive study of all types of Roman military standards. Since the work of Domaszewski64 and Renel65 there has been little attempt to create an updated corpus of relevant artefacts, literary references, epigraphic material and artistic representations. Only aspects of the subject have been dealt with in articles (such as the present work) and, as a result, monographs devoted to the
Fig. 14: Cavalryman with draco', St Gall Psalterium
Aureum f.163v (after MUTHERICH &
GAEHDE 1977). mounted troops.60 The use of dracones by Roman cavalry is thus explicable on a number of levels.
The emperors' personal draco standards made functional sense in the context of battle when the emperor would have been mounted and needed to be clearly identifiable. Julian's purple draco certainly played an important role at Argentorate. Perhaps this usage developed in response to the increased mobility and involvement in warfare of emperors in the 3rd century. In comparison with 1st-2nd century Augusti, many spent their short reigns entirely on the move.
The key to understanding the use of infantry dracones may lie in Vegetius' asignment of one
Fig. 15: Danubian Rider-God, silver plaque,
Römisch-Germanisches Museum der Stadt Köln (after Kölner Römer Illustrierte 1, 1974).
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
111
17.
Roman army in general have only been able to draw upon a small proportion of the evidence.66. Predict ably, very few artefact fittings from standards may be identified with any conviction.67 However, the draco head from Niederbieber may be one of the more credible examples.
It is hoped that the above discussion has demon strated the necessity of studying Roman standards in a broad temporal and cultural context. With such an approach, this important class of military equipment may in future take its proper place in Roman studies.
NOTES
1.
26.
Throughout this paper a distinction is made between snake-headed standards, to which the latin word for snake (draco) may be applied with strict accuracy, and the wolf-headed standards, for which the conventional term draco' is employed in inverted commas. For discussions of both types of 'dracones' see RENEL 1903, 206–11; FIEBIGER 1905a; REINACH 1909, 1321; VON LE COQ 1925, 18; DARKO 1935, 465; KIECHLE 1964, 120–22; GARBSCH 1978, 14-5; WEBSTER 1985, 134-5; COULSTON 1986, 69. Research work for this paper has been generously supported by The British Academy, The Tess and Mortimer Wheeler Fund, and the British School at Rome. The writer is grateful to Dr M.C. Bishop and Dr H. Dodge who kindly read the manuscript at various stages and made many helpful corrections and sugges tions. Opinions and any mistakes in the final paper are the writer's responsibility alone. Techne Taktike 35.1-6. Literary references were collected by FIEBIGER 1905a. SHA, Gallieni duo 8.1. SHA, Aurelianus 31.7. De re militari I.20; II.7; III.5. II.13. The dating of Vegetius' legionary organisation is obviously problematic, but Tetrarchic features may be an important indicator (COULSTON 1990, n.146).
FIEBIGER 1905b. 9. Zosimos, Historia Nova III.19. 10. Ammianus Marcellinus 15.5.16. 11. Amm. 20.4.18. 12. Amm. 16.12.39. 13. Amm. 16.10.7. 14. Liber Cathermerinon 5.55-6. 15. Panegyricus 7.138-41.
CROUS 1933, 77; MANSUELLI 1958, No.2–3. These have been thought to come from a Domitianic monu ment on the Aventine, but ibid. 25-7 suggests a Trajanic date by comparison with other works. If this is correct then the pier reliefs owe nothing to the influx of actual barbarian spolia to Rome from Trajan's Dacian wars which presumably provided models for Trajan's Column. Wolf-headed monsters do also appear in marine artistic contexts, and some confusion of this sort is
suggested by the fins on the pilaster 'dracones'. It may be that in this instance the sculptors were using the closest model in their normal artistic repertoire, especially if the pilasters are early in date. CICHORIUS 1896-1900, Scenes XXIV, XXV, XXXI,
XXXVIII, LIX, LXIV, LXVI, LXXV, LXXVIII, CXXII. 18. Ibid., PL.II-III. See GAMBER 1964,9. 19. VOGEL 1973, P1.49; NASH 1981, I, P1.562. 20. PETERSEN et al. 1896, Pl.64. Lack of a dedicatory
inscription makes exact dating of the Marcus Column impossible, but it may be ascribed to the reign of Com modus (Cf. MORRIS 1952 which requires re-working). KIECHLE 1964, Pl.14.2; KOCH & SICHTERMANN 1982, 92, P1.76; BERTINETTI et al. 1985, 177. Approximate dating is based on the fact that the end figures are carved in exactly the same style and poses as
seen on the Marcus Column. 22. Ibid., 178. 23. WRIGHT & RICHMOND 1955, No.137; SULIMIRSKI
1970, P1.46. 24. Dio LXXI.16. See RICHMOND 1945, 17. 25. For example PÁRDUCZ 1944, PI.XXV.5; SULIMIR
SKI 1970, Fig.42, 45, 48-9, 67, P1.47. VON KIESERITZKY & WATZINGER 1909, No.599–600, 619, 627, 650, 664-5, 693, 708. Ribbed, conical helmets are also associated with Sarmatian horsemen (ibid., No.400, 650; JAMES 1986, 128–31). However, interpretation of this relief is problematic. If it is funerary and does represent a Sarmatian, then it is curious that it was erected at a legionary fortress. The carved detail is crude and the helmet ribs might not indicate a steppe helmet form but an ordinary 2nd 3rd century ribbed Roman helmet (WRIGHT & RICH MOND 1955, 51. Cf. ROBINSON 1975, Pl.258-68). If the 'sword', helmet and standard are not diagnostically Sarmatian, then the rider may have been a legionary or auxiliary cavalryman. Such figures do occasionally appear on legionary building inscriptions (KEPPIE & ARNOLD 1984, No.68, 137). The other possibility is that a Danubian Rider-God is represented, some exam ples of which wear cap or helmet (e.g. TUDOR 1969, No.36, 43, 45, 49, 74–5, 149–50). However, few of these deities were carved on such a large scale, and few have been found in the west, but perhaps the movement of Sarmatians to Britain formed some cultural connection
with the Danubian region. 27. SMITH 1904, Fig.69; REINACH 1912, 497, Fig.1. The
date of the piece is not assured. However, a pedestal at Frascati with similarly plagiarising reliefs on one side has figures on another in the style of the Marcus Column (SPANNAGEL 1979, Fig.2-4). However, parts of the stone have been restored in modern times and they may
include the 'draco'. 28. KIECHLE 1964, Pl.14.1; KOCH & SICHTERMANN
1982, 92, P1.78; PALMA & DE LACHENAL 1983, 56. For dating purposes the portrait of the central general is usually identified as one of the two sons of Decius (c.260). However, the sculpture overall may have been executed some time before the portrait. The general on
16.
112
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
29.
the Portonaccio Sarcophagus was never given facial features and it was common practice to complete the work except for such final customising touches for a specific client. The equipment of soldiers on the right end of the Ludovisi sarcophagus includes a ring-buckle and a circular scabbard-chape (ibid., 66), equipment ascribable to the early 3rd century onwards. LAUBSCHER 1975, P1.13, 14.1, 31.1, 52, 53.1, 54.2,
53.1, 54.2, 63. 30. For the identification of troops with armour and dra
cones as Roman cavalry rather than as men of other
ethnic types see COULSTON 1990, 142, n.45. 31. L'ORANGE & VON GERKAN, 1939, Pl.12b, 13a;
KIECHLE 1964, Pl.13.. 32. BURGER 1966, 116–7, Fig. 106, PI.XCV; MÓCSY
1974, P1.44c. 33. EIDEN 1976, 39–42, Fig.31; 1982, 137, PI.B; GARB
SCH 1978, T, P1.48.3. 34. De historia conscribenda 29. 35. Aurelianus 28.5. 36. TREVER 1964, PI.XLVIII. 37. Techne Taktike 35.2. 38. For summaries of these Danubian conflicts see WILKES
1983; STROBEL 1984. 39. DARKO 1935; BIVAR 1972, 281-87; HALDON 1975,
11-3, 22-5; COULSTON 1986, 68-70. 40. VON KIESERITZKY & WATZINGER 1909,
No.570-683; ROSTOVTZEFF 1913, PI.XLVII, LI, LXIV, LXXVIII-IX, LXXXIV, LXXXVIII-IX, XCI,
XCIII. 41. Ektaxis kat Alanon 15-8.
Cf. Tacitus, Annales 6.35; Historiae 1.79; Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica 6.162; Statius, Achilleid 2.132;
Ammianus Marcellinus 17.12.2; COULSTON 1986, 69. 43. Ibid., 69. Other elements of the Roman response
included the use of Moorish light cavalry and an unusual concentration of archer units along the middle Danube (COULSTON 1985, 296–7). However, Sarmatian archery equipment does not seem to have been influential, and Syrian-Mesopotamian traditions remained dominant with Roman sagitarii until the 4th
century (ibid., 241-42). 44. Quoted by GROUSSET 1970, 87. 45. VON LE COQ 1925, Fig. 101-2, 116-8. 46. St Gall Psalterium Aureum f.163v; VON LE COQ 1925,
Fig. 120; MÜTTERICH & GAEHDE 1977, PI.46. 47. SCHINDLER 1980, Fig.264. It is unclear whether the
presence of two 'dracones' depicted on the Bayeux Tapestry may be explained by far-flung Varangian contacts, or by the adaptation of indigenous artistic animal styles. Each standard is attached through the jaws to its staff, and exhibits a wolf head, fore-legs and wings (WILSON 1985, P1.71). These are dragons in the medie val sense of the word. See n.39. 'Waves' of new equipment types are reviewed
by BALINT 1989. 49. Cf. KLUMBACH 1973, P1.1-5, 12-8 (helmets);
SOMMER 1984, 96, PL. 74 (shield boss). 50. For Turkish and other humming-bulb arrows see STONE
1934, 668, Fig.858; GROUSSET 1970, 87; BALINT
1989, Fig.121.7. 51. For asiatic trumpets see GORELIK 1979, Fig. 35. 52. JASHEMSKI 1979, Fig.100, 186, 209, 247, 318;
TOYNBEE 1973, P1.112. For Roman snakes in general see ibid. 223-6, 233-6. A paper entitled 'Snakes in Roman Art' was read by Dr C. Johns at a Rewley House conference in Oxford (November 1987) and the writer is very grateful to Dr Johns for discussing military dra
cones at that time. 53. E.g. BERTINETTI et al. 1985, No.II.20. 54. TREVER 1964, 163-70. 55. For the importance of Thracian traditions amongst
Roman cavalry see KIECHLE 1964, 117-22. 56. TUDOR 1969, No.37, 45, 47. 57. Ibid., No.150. 58. Ibid., No.42, 49, 149. 59. Ibid., No.36, 43, 73, 75; Kölner Römer Illustrierte 1,
1974, Fig.197. This identification was also made by P RVAN 1926, PI.XVII.1. ROBINSON 1975, P1.273-6, 378-83, 391-96, 407-10, 522, 524; GARBSCH 1978, P1.4.2, 5.1, 6.2, 11.1, 28, 31-2, 38.2. Some snakes are attached to gorgon heads, but those cited above are separate animals. Amongst the decorative motifs on embossed copper alloy armour eagle imagery predominates. However, it is notable that snakes seldom appear on cuirass chest-pieces, many of which are likely to have been used by infantry. For some trenchant observations on these, and on decorated helmets see PETCULESCU 1990. VON DOMASZEWSKI 1885, 12-24, 27-8; RENEL 1903, 27-8. VON DOMASZEWSKI 1885, 73-6. BISHOP & COULSTON in press, Chap.6–7, 10. The process of new equipment adoption, and the evolution of old forms, have traditionally been seen by scholars as symptoms of 'decadence' and 'barbarisation'. Not only is this a hopelessly subjective standpoint based on the equation of change' with decline', but it assumes High Imperial Roman military culture to have been inherently static and conservative. This view is self-evidently untrue, and modern discussions of barbarisation' have generally been unhelpful to the study of an army built up from a mélange of cultural traditions. VON DOMASZEWSKI 1885. RENEL 1903. RE, s.v. 'aquila', 'signum', 'vexillum'; REINACH 1909; VON DOMASZEWSKI 1909; ROSTOVTZEFF 1942; SPEIDEL 1976, 137–43; GARBSCH 1978, 14-5; WALTON 1980; CONNOLLY 1981, 219; MAXFIELD 1981, 219; VON PETRIKOVITS 1983; CAMPBELL 1984, 96-9; KEPPIE 1984, passim; WEBSTER 1985, 133–39; WEBSTER 1986; JUNKELMANN 1986,
212-16. 67. VON DOMASZEWSKI 1885, 50–5; REINACH 1909,
Fig.6411, 6413, 6418-9; ROSTOVTZEFF 1942; VON GONZENBACH 1951-52; CONNOLLY 1981, 219;
TOYNBEE & WILKINS 1982; HORN 1982.
42.
63
66.
48.
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
113
BJ:
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bonner Jahrbucher JRS:
Journal of Roman Studies RE:
Paulys Real-Encyclodädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart, 1893
BALINT, C. 1989: Die Archäologie der Steppe. Steppenvölker
zwischen Volga und Donau vom 6. bis zum 10. Jahrh
undert, Wien. BERTINETTI, M., DE LACHENAL, L. & PALMA, B. (ed.)
1985: Museo Nazionale Romano, Le Sculture 1.8.i, Catalogo delle sculture esposte nelle aule delle terme,
Roma. BISHOP, M.C. & COULSTON, J.C.N. in press: Roman
Military Equipment from the Punic Wars to the Fall of
Rome, London. BIVAR, A.D.H. 1972: "Cavalry tactics and equipment on the
Euphrates on the Euphrates', Dumbarton Oaks Papers
26, 273-91. BURGER, A.S. 1966: 'The Late Roman Cemetery at Ságvár',
Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungari
cae 18, 99-234. CAMPBELL, J.B. 1984: The Emperor and the Roman Army,
31BC-AD235, Oxford. CICHORIUS, C. 1896-1900: Die Reliefs der Traianssäule
II-III, Berlin. CONNOLLY, P. 1981: Greece and Rome at War, London. VON LE COQ, A. 1925: Bilderatlas zur Kunst- und Kultur
geschichte Mittel Asiens, Berlin. COULSTON, J.C. 1985: Roman archery equipment', in M.C.
Bishop (ed.), The Production and Distribution of Roman Military Equipment. Proceedings of the Second Roman Military Equipment Research Seminar, (BAR
Suppl. Ser. 275), Oxford, 220–366. COULSTON, J.C. 1986: 'Roman, Parthian and Sassanid
tactical developments’, in P. Freeman and D. Kennedy (ed.), The Defence of the Roman and Byzantine East,
(BAR Internat. Ser. 297(1)), Oxford, 59-75. COULSTON, J.C.N. 1990: "Later Roman armour, 3rd-6th
centuries AD', Journal of Roman Military Equipment
Studies 1, 139-60. CROUS, J.W. 1933: 'Florentiner Waffenpfieler und Armilus
trum', Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen
Instituts, Römische Abteilung, 48, 1-119. DARKO, K. 1935: "Influences Touraniennes sur l'évolution de
l'art militaire des grecs, romains et des byzantines',
Byzantion 10, 443-69. VON DOMASZEWSKI, A. 1885: 'Die Fahnen in römischen
Heer', Abhandlungen des Archaologisch-Epigraphis
chen Seminares der Universitat Wien 5, 1-80. VON DOMASZEWSKI, A. 1909: 'Die Tierbilder der Signa'
Abhandlungen zur römischen Religion, Leipzig &
Berlin, 1-15. EIDEN, H. 1976: Zehn Jahre Ausgrabungen an Mittelrhein
und Mosel, Einfuhrung – Fundplatze – Funde,
Koblenz. EIDEN, H. 1982: Ausgrabungen an Mittelrhein und Mosel
1963-1976, (Trierer Zeitschrift Beiheft 6), Trier.
FIEBIGER, A. 1905a: "Draco', RE V, Stuttgart, 1633–4. FIEBIGER, A. 1905b: Draconarius', RE V, Stuttgart, 1634. GAMBER, O. 1964: 'Dakische und Sarmatische Waffen auf
der Traianssäule', Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen
Sammlung in Wien 64, 7–44. GARBSCH, J. 1978: Römische Paraderüstungen, München. GORELIK, M. 1979: 'Oriental armour of the Near and Middle
East from the 8th to 15th centuries as shown in works of art', in R. Elgood (ed.), Islamic Arms and Armour,
London. VON GONZENBACH, V. 1951–52: 'Fides exercituum. Ein
Hand aus Vindonissa', Gesellschaft pro Vindonissa,
5-21. GROUSSET, R. 1970: The Empire of the Steppes, New
Brunswick HALDON, J.F. 1975: 'Some aspects of Byzantine military
technology from the sixth to the tenth centuries',
Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 1, 11-47. HARTLEY, B.R. & WACHER, J.S. (ed.) 1983: Rome and Her
Northern Provinces, Gloucester. HORN, H.G. 1982: Cohors VII Raetorum equitata. Signum
scheibe aus Niederbieber', Das Rheinische Landes museum Bonn: Bericht aus der Arbeit des Museums 4,
52-5. JAMES, S. 1986: 'Evidence from Dura-Europos for the
origins of Late Roman helmets', Syria 63, 107-34. JASHEMSKI, W.F. 1979: The Gardens of Pompeii, Hercu
laneum and the Villas Destroyed by Vesuvius, New
York. JUNKELMANN, M. 1986: Die Legionen des Augustus. Der
römische Soldatim archäologischen Experiment,
Mainz. KEPPIE, L. 1984: The Making of the Roman Army from
Republic to Empire, London. KEPPIE, LJ.F. & ARNOLD, B.J. 1984: Corpus Signorum
Imperii Romani, Great Britain I, 4, Scotland, Oxford. KIECHLE, F. 1964: "Die 'Taktik des Flavius Arrianus',
Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission 45,
87-129. VON KIESERITZKY, G. & WATZINGER, C. 1909:
Griechische Grabreliefs aus Sudrussland, Berlin. KLUMBACH, H. 1973: Spätrömische Gardehelme, München. KOCH, G. & SICHTERMANN, H. 1982: Römische Sarkoph
age, München. LAUBSCHER, H.P. 1975: Der Reliefschmuck des Galeriusbo
gens in Thessaloniki, Berlin. MANSUELLI, G.A. 1958: Galleria degli Uffizi, le sculture I,
Rome. MAXFIELD, V.A. 1981: The Military Decorations of the
Roman Army, London. MÓCSY, A. 1974: Pannonia and Upper Moesia, London. MORRIS, J. 1952: "The dating of the Column of Marcus
Aurelius', Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld
Institutes 15, 33-47. MÜTTERICH, F. & GAEHDE, J.E. 1977: Carolingian
Painting, London. NASH, E. 1981: A Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome I,
New York. L'ORANGE, H.P. & VON GERKAN, A. 1939: Der
114
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 1991
SOMMER, M. 1984: Die Gürtel und Gürtelbeschläge des 4.
und 5. Jahrhunderts im römischen Reich, (Bonner Hefte
zur Vorgeschichte), Bonn. SPANNAGEL, M. 1979: 'Wiedergefundene Antiken',
Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts,
348-77. SPEIDEL, M.P. 1976: 'Eagle-bearer and trumpeter', BJ 176,
125-63.
spätantike Bildschmuck des Constantinsbogens, Berlin. PALMA, B. & DE LACHENAL, L. 1983: Museo Nazionale
Romano, Le sculture I.5, i marmi Ludovisi nel Museo
Nazionale Romano, Roma. PÁRDUCZ, M. 1944: Denkmäler der Sarmatenzeit Ungarns
II, (Archaeologica Hungarica 28), Budapest. PĀRVAN, V. 1926: Getica: o protoistorie a Daciei, Budapest. PETCULESCU, L. 1990: Contributions to Roman decorated
helmets from Dacia', in H. Vetters & M. Kandler, Akten des 14. Internationalen Limeskongresses 1986 in
Carnuntum, Vienna, 843–54. PETERSEN, E., DOMASZEWSKI, A. VON,& CALDERINI,
G. 1896: Die Marcus-säule auf der Piazza Colonna in
Rom, Monaco. VON PETRIKOVITS, H. 1983: 'Sacramentum', in HART
LEY & WACHER, 179–201. REINACH, A.J. 1909: 'Signa militaria', in C. Daremberg &
E. Saglio, Dictionaire des antiquités grecques et romaines d'aprés les textes et les monuments IV, Paris,
1307-25. REINACH, S. 1912: Répertoire des Reliefs Grècs et Romains
II, Afrique, Îles Britanniques, Paris. RENEL, C. 1903: Cultes militaires de Rome: les enseignes,
Paris. RICHMOND, IA. 1945: 'The Sarmatae, Bremetennacum
Veteranorum and the regio Bremetennacensis', JRS 35,
15-29. ROBINSON, H.R. 1975: The Armour of Imperial Rome,
London. ROSTOVTZEFF, M.I. 1913: Antichnaya Dekorativnaya
Zheevopeec na Yuge Rossiye, St Petersburg. ROSTOVTZEFF, M.I. 1942: 'Vexillum and Victory', JRS 32,
92-106. SCHINDLER, R. 1980: Führer durch das Landesmuseum
Trier, Trier. SMITH, A.H. 1904: A Catalogue of Sculpture in the Depart
ment of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum, London.
STONE, G.C. 1934: A Glossary of the Construction, Decor
ation and Use of Arms and Armour, New York. STROBEL, K. 1984: Untersuchungen zu den Dakerkriegen
Trajans, (Antiquitas 1 Abhandlungen zur alten Ges
chichte 33), Bonn. SULIMIRSKI, T. 1970: The Sarmatians, London. TOYNBEE, J.M.C. 1973: Animals in Roman Life and Art,
London. TOYNBEE, J.M.C. & WILKINS, A. 1982: "The Vindolanda
horse', JRS 13, 245–51. TREVER, C.V. 1964: Tête de senmurv en argent des collec
tions de l'Hérmitage', Iranica Antiqua 4, 162-70. TUDOR, D. 1969: Corpus Monumentorum Religionis Equitum
Danuviorum I, The Monuments, Leiden. VOGEL, L. 1973: The Column of Antoninus Pius, Harvard. WALTON, S. 1980: A corpus of Roman army standard
representations on monuments and coins from the Republic to Septimius Severus. A brief study, Unpub lished BA Dissertation, Institute of Archaeology,
London. WEBSTER, G. 1985: The Roman Imperial Army, London. WEBSTER, G. 1986: Standards and standard-bearers in the
alae', BJ 186, 105-16. WILKES, J.J. 1983: 'Romans, Dacians and Sarmatians in the
first and early second centuries', in HARTLEY &
WACHER, 255-89. WILSON, D.M. 1985: The Bayeux Tapestry, London. WRIGHT, R.P. & RICHMOND, I.A. 1955: The Roman
Inscribed and Sculptured Stones in the Grosvenor Museum, Chester, Chester.

Thursday, March 7, 2019

A LIST OF REASONS FOR PLACING ARTHUR AT BANNA/BIRDOSWALD

Banna Roman Fort At Birdoswald

What follows is a simple summary of why I think Arthur belongs to the Banna Roman fort at Birdoswald.

1) Banna and Arthur's Camboglanna/Camlann are both in the Irthing Valley.  Irthing as a place-name has been rendered (by Dr. Andrew Breeze) as Cumbric erthinn/erthyn, 'Little Bear.'  Arthur, although from Roman Artorius, was early on linked by British speakers with their own word for bear, *arto-/arth.

Dea Artio of Bern

2) Arthwys, a chieftain at the head of some of the families in the Northern royal genealogies, means 'Man of the Arth.'  As such, like the Welsh Glywys, this is an eponymous place-name.  He may designate the Irthing Valley.

3) The Dacian garrison at Banna may have had a bear god (Zalmoxis), and they are known for their draco standard.  The Draco named on the Ilam Pan/Staffordshire Moorlands Pan, whose name takes the place of Banna found on two other similar cups, is thought to be a Dacian whose name was chosen in honor of the draco.  If there is anything to Geoffrey of Monmouth's story about Uther Pendragon taking his name from the dragon-star and his carrying a draco standard into battle, there could be no more appropriate place in all of Britain to find such a man than Birdoswald.  The Terrible Chief-dragon would be a title for the leader of the Dacian-descended elite of that fort, who still held their draco standard in veneration.

Draco Bearer from Chester

3) The son of Arthwys is named Ceidio.  This name is a shortened or pet-form of a longer, two-part name that (given his status as a ruler) would have meant either Battle-ruler or Battle-leader.  If the last, this would perfectly match the dux bellorum descriptor used for Arthur in the HISTORIA BRITTONUM.

4) Ceidio's son was Gwenddolau, a personal or place-name preserved at Carwinley not far to the NW of the Irthing Valley.  It is curious that Gwenddolau was Myrddin's/Merlin's lord. 

5) Arthur's 'Avalon' is to be found at Burgh-By-Sands (Roman Aballava/Avalana, 'Apple-orchard'), several miles to the west of the Irthing.  Two altars to Dea Latis, 'Lake Goddess', have been found.  One is from Birdoswald/Banna, and the other from Burgh-By-Sands (once surrounded by the extensive Burgh Marsh).  She may well be the prototype for the Arthurian Lady of the Lake.  The dedicator's name from the Burgh-By-Sands stone is especially interesting:  Lucius Urseius (from ursus, 'bear').



6) Banna in the Tyne Gap is the Bannaventa Bernia birthplace of St. Patrick.  This suggests the fort was of significant cultural importance.

7) The Dacian falx or sickle-like weapon is given symbolic prominence on stone monuments at Banna.  This is an unusual decorative practice for auxiliaries, and I have wondered about not only a connection with the 'Sword in the Stone' motif, but a connection with Arthur's sword Caledfwlch (from Caledbwlch).  While Caledfwlch is a borrowing of the famous Irish sword Caladbolg, the Welsh b-f mutation that led to -fwlch produces an element which at least superficially resembles falx.  Thus the falx at Banna could have influenced the borrowing of Caladbolg as Arthur's sword in Welsh heroic lore.

Falx on an Inscription from Birdoswald 

8) While Arthur's father Uther may have ruled from Banna, it is possible we should see Ceidio's/'Battle-leader's/dux bellorum's court as the Stanwix fort directly between the Irthing, Avalon and Carwinley.  There are three reasons for thinking this.  First, Stanwix was a sort of command center for the Wall, and had a very close relationship with the York of the Roman period Lucius Artorius Castus.  [In fact, Arthwys is said to be the father of Eliffer of York. Eliffer's sons Peredur and Gwrci fought at Arthuret and Carrawburgh on the Wall.] Second, it was garrisoned by the largest cavalry force in all of Britain, the Ala Petriana.  The NOTITIA  DIGNITATUM refers to the place as Petrianis, thought to be an error, but also possibly a nickname for the fort, given to it in honor of the unit that served there.  I've thought that perhaps Pedr/Petrus of Dyfed named his son Arthur because the earlier, more famous one had been of the Petriana (named for a man named Petra).  And, three, Etterby, which literally lies against Stanwix, was known as Arthur's Burg.  This tradition, though late, may preserve a folk-memory of Arthur's presence at the great cavalry fort. 

Flavinus, Signifer of the Ala Petriana

9) The locations of Arthur's battles and traditional burial site really only make sense if we have someone ruling from the Wall.  York is the only other candidate and we have a corrupt TRIAD which mentions an Arthur Penuchel as son of Eliffer.  And Arthur did fight a battle at York. But the chronology for this man is totally wrong - as in much too late - and any defense of the corruption as a correction or substitution is not, in my opinion, a credible position to assume.

Arthurian Sites in the North

Wednesday, February 27, 2019

A Recent Survey of the Camboglanna/Camlann Roman Fort at Castlesteads


From http://www.academia.edu/820052/Biggins_J._A_and_Taylor_D._J._A._2007_The_Roman_Fort_at_Castlesteads_Cumbria_A_Geophysical_Survey_of_the_Vicus_Trans._C._and_W._Soc._VII_15-30:

Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria

1
The Roman Fort at Castlesteads
A geophysical Survey of the Vicus
by
J. Alan Biggins and David J. A. Taylor
February 2007
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
2
The Roman Fort at Castlesteads, Cumbria: a Geophysical Survey of the Vicus
by
J. Alan Biggins and David J. A. Taylor
1. Introduction
The Roman fort at Castlesteads (Camboglanna), is positioned between the Wall forts of
Birdoswald and Stanwix, and sited on an escarpment above the Cam Beck. The fort is
unusual in that, although it is classified as a Hadrianic Wall fort, it is not built on the line of
the Wall but is positioned some 400 metres to the south. The easier line, which the Wall now
follows, was probably taken in preference to the direct line between Milecastles 56 and 58,
which would pass through the fort. One explanation why this route may have been taken was
to avoid constructing the Turf Wall across the Cam Beck and up a steep escarpment to the
east.
Details about the fort itself are meagre as it was largely destroyed in 1791 when the
present house was built, and walled gardens laid out over the site of the fort, although
Hutchinson (1794) in his County History of Cumberland recorded some details of the fort.
Castlesteads is thought to have been occupied during the Hadrianic period by a cohors
quingenaria peditata (Breeze and Dobson 2000, 54).
An excavation by Richmond and Hodgson (1934, 159-165) attempted to establish if
any trace of the fort remained after its destruction. Some evidence of gates towards the east
and west of the fort, together with the curtain wall was identified with a 4.8m wide ditch and a
berm 3m wide, although little was seen within the intra-mural area itself. Significantly, it was
estimated that some 100 feet (c. 30 m) of the fort had fallen into the Cam Beck. Due to the
siting of the fort, with the north gate overlooking the steep escarpment above Cam Beck, it is
likely that the porta praetoria faced east instead of the more usual northern aspect, facing the
main gate. This would mean that the fort was similar in general layout to the east-facing fort
of Housesteads.
The excavators found evidence of a rampart and ditch from an earlier turf and timber
fort set on a different alignment to the later stone fort (ibid., 163-5). Trenching at the south
east angle revealed the remains of a turf rampart, at least 3m wide, resting on flagging and
stones set in clay to the rear of the Stone Wall. This rampart base is probably the remains of
the earlier turf and timber fort. An east facing scarp, 0.4m high, parallel to the east rampart
was discovered during a survey by the Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of
England in 1991. Richmond and Hodgson also pointed out that the later stone fort was not set
out centrally within the diversion of the Vallum to the south but asymmetrical to it; a point
made earlier by Collingwood (1922, 202). Collingswood’s explanation for this irregularity
was that the fort could have had an annex built on to the east. Richmond and Hodgson
suggest that this inconsistent construction was possibly due to an earlier fort being set further
to the east with a north-east orientation, which would have then been symmetrical with the
Vallum diversion. This is a certainly a possible explanation and reflects a similar relationship
between the Vallum and the stone fort at Birdoswald (Wilmott 1997, 44-5).
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
3
An external bath-house to the north-east of the fort was located and partly excavated in
1740, although the exact position and plan is not known. The Vallum survives as a buried
feature throughout this section with no remains visible above ground. Its route has been
confirmed by Haverfield who cut trenches in 1898, 1901 and 1902 to determine its course.
The vicus, which is usually associated with Roman forts, is not now visible, except
in places where it is seen as very shallow platforms. However, a letter from Richard Goodman
writing to Samuel Gale in 1727 mentions traces of an extensive settlement on the slope
towards the south east of the fort. He noted the existence of foundations of walls and streets,
which were being removed to construct new buildings and to allow the land to be ploughed.
A temple outside the Castlesteads fort to the south-east, which had ‘fallen in through age’ was
repaired by a centurion, Gaius Julius Cupitianus, and dedicated to ‘the Mother goddesses of
all nations’ ([Deabu]s| [Mat]ribu[s]| omnium | gentium | templum | olim uetus | tate
conlab|sum G(aius) Iul(ius) Cu/pitianus | (centurion) | p(rae)p(ositus) restituit); (RIB 1988).
The high quality of the geophysical survey data almost certainly reflects the absence of
recent sustained deep ploughing over the site. It is possible that the apparent absence of subsurface
features to the south of the survey may indicate greater destruction by ploughing than
those to the north; this could be reflected in the level of occupational debris present on the
surface of that part of the site. Conversely, taphonomic processes downslope may have
preserved deeper levels by colluviation. Many large stones can be seen on or just below the
surface over the area of the settlement. Also, extensive surface collections of pottery, brick
and tile were seen in stubble after the field had been laid out to arable cultivation in 2001.
2. Methodology
On this site, magnetic survey was the preferred method, which was carried out in three phases
in 1999, 2000 and 2001 during periods of variable weather. The site of the fort is set within
woodland and the area surveyed (17.9ha in total), is located to the south of the field boundary
dividing the woodland from open pasture. Geoscan FM36 fluxgate gradiometers were used to
carry out a magnetometry survey employing 1.0 m parallel traverses with 0.5 m sample
intervals. The 30 metre grids were set out approximately parallel with the south-east curtain
wall of the fort using a Leica TC 403L EDM, and these grids and other relevant mapping
features were recorded.
The data was processed using Geoplot software (Geoscan Instruments) and the data
presented as a grey scale plot superimposed upon The first edition Ordnance Survey base map
of 1856 (figure 1). This figure shows the relationship of the vicus with a less developed
landscape. One point of note shows that the surveyors of the day indicated the location of the
Vallum as some 500m north of its currently known position, which is probably a point worthy
of further investigation. The magnetic grey scale plot was used to produce an anomaly plan,
which, as is usual, produced a palimpsest of superimposed subterranean responses (figure 3).
A number of hypothetical features, including the fort and bathhouse have been incorporated
on the map, which give both a sense of scale and place the survey in a spatial context. In
order to clarify the very complex central portion of the survey area around the vicus an
additional larger scale anomaly plan has been included (figure 4). Neither can generally be
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
4
depicted as an interpretative plan, because of the complexity of superimposed features.
However, the outline of the individual fields and their associated road and track systems were
plotted as a CAD image, from the primary geophysical survey data (figure 5). Metric units of
length and the field areas (in m²) were determined from this data.
3. Interpretation
A double-ditched major road (1), up to 11m in width, approaches the fort and vicus from the
south-east. This road continues as a single-ditched road towards the junction in the northwest.
The road can be seen as a raised linear feature, approximately 500-600mm in height
above the surrounding ground level. At its south-eastern end the agger is double ditched, with
an intervening strip or pathway some 2.5 to 3.0m in width. A ditched enclosure is sited to the
north of the road (2), which it is suggested could be a cremation cemetery (maximum
dimensions; 64m by 49m; 0.23ha). This interpretation was made based upon the morphology
of the magnetic anomalies, some of which are circular, whilst another resembles a circular
ditch within a 10m square stone surround or kerb. The siting of a cemetery is typical, being
located by the side of a major road leading to a deliberate constriction, adjacent to which a
circular positive anomaly may indicate a roadside well or shrine (3).
This road curves to the north at its junction with a second major road (4) running
approximately north-south and extending beyond the limit of the survey. At the mid-point in
the survey it passes through the vicus where it diverges forming several minor roads. The
magnetic anomalies indicate that the roads to the north of the easterly road may not be
metalled. The road leading south from the Vallum crossing (5), continuing in a straight line to
the outer ditch, is on a different alignment to the major road leading south-west (4) away
from the fort. This latter road is on a direct alignment with the Stanegate fort of Old Church,
Brampton. One of these roads (5) crosses the Vallum (6) and leads to the fort. Several roads
branch from the major road (4) most of which run in south-easterly direction south of the
vicus.
The line of the Vallum (6), together with its crossing, is clearly defined to the southwest
of the survey area, although the angle in the change of direction is not as great as that
previously published (Daniels 1978, 227). The strength of the magnetic response suggests
that the Vallum was left open for a considerable period, perhaps for the greater part of the life
of the fort. These strong positive readings indicate the presence of anthropogenically modified
organic deposits resulting from the gradual infilling of the ditch, possibly creating anaerobic
conditions, and by implication, the potential preservation of organic material. Some evidence
of buildings can be seen within the Vallum enclosure, although the limit of the survey denies
interpretation. Similar buildings have been identified in this position at the fort of Halton
Chesters (Taylor et al, 2000).
Close to the point where the two roads meet, some 40m from the Vallum, is a strong dipolar
anomaly (7); this is thought to be of later origin due to its location and morphology and could
indicate the site of a kiln. This feature is close to the position where the road crosses a
substantial ditch (8), which was intersected at an angle to the south of the Vallum. The ditch
returns to the north-west and north-east where it closely follows the line of the Vallum and
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
5
can be seen to cut several features relating to field boundaries. It is probable that all the roads
crossing this ditch have been cut with the exception of the Vallum crossing. A building,
possibly of stone, which may be associated with a channel or wall, has been built at the
conjunction of three of the ditches to the south-west (9).
The purpose of the ditch outside the Vallum can only be conjectural. Its line however,
does mirror that of the Vallum and it is possibly an earlier cut of the ditch that was later
abandoned. It is significant that the line of the road from the Vallum crossing to the south
deliberately skirts its southern lip, suggesting an earlier date. Alternatively, the ditch may
have enclosed an annex to the fort, as previously suggested by Collingwood (1922, 22); it is
noteworthy that the space between the two ditches does enclose several substantial buildings,
all probably built of stone. A group of four substantial stone buildings (10) can be seen to the
south-west of the road leading from the Vallum crossing. The larger of these buildings is c. 8
m square and is subdivided.
Henry MacLaughlan’s map of the fort, designated by him as Petriana, clearly indicates
that there is a watercourse some 120 m to the east of the fort running north-west to south-east.
The watercourse is shown to cease on the line of the present northern field boundary, and
would appear to be culverted from that point. This watercourse was detected as a slight linear
anomaly by the magnetometry survey, but can be seen to clearly divide the fort and major
settlement to the west from the Romano-British design of field system to the east (15).
Implicitly, it may indicate that it might well be culverted with a stone channel, moreover it
may still be functional, i.e. water-logging and associated anaerobic conditions are not evident
along its route. However, the path of the watercourse can still be observed as a substantial
surface depression, running roughly parallel to the remains of a relict field boundary, which is
also indicated on MacLaughlan’s map as a tree line leading to a permanent spring.
Several ‘lanes’ have been identified, which can be seen to run between the blocks of
property within the settlement to the south of the Vallum, leading to the open land to the rear.
One such ‘lane’ (11) to the east of the settlement passes through a right angle, around a site
boundary, before proceeding in a north easterly direction possibly passing to the south of the
field systems to the east of the watercourse. A lesser road (12), some 20m to the south and
running east crosses the watercourse leading directly to a series of small enclosures to the
south of the field system. A small building of uncertain function can be seen in one of these
fields.
An area free from buildings can be seen to the south of the outer ditch (13), which is
bounded by a ditch to the north and buildings to the other three sides. The main road from the
west enters this open space towards the north-west, with additional roads leading off to the
south and south-east. It is possible that open space was created to form a small market place
or some similar focus for the community. A number of small circular and square (c. 2m)
strongly positive anomalies are contained within this area. It is entirely possible that they will
indicate the location of wells. A narrow linear negative anomaly (possibly of stone) can be
seen to traverse this area from the direction of Castlesteads house and continue towards the
stream bed. This, perhaps arbitrarily, is not indicated as it may be a relatively modern ceramic
pipe, which appears to cut features identified as Roman.
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
6
The road leading to the north-east (4) can clearly be identified as far as the occupation
road running approximately north-west to south-east. Beyond the occupation road line, its
course has been ploughed out and only traces remain of its sinuous route. The lack of
formality of this length of road, in that it does not reflect the perceived Roman preference for
a direct, straight line as seen to the south, could suggest a pre-Roman inception. It is probable
that a branch leading off this road to the south of the occupation road (14) could connect with
the road leading from the east gate, the possible porta praetoria.
Located to the south of the fort is the vicus with roads and buildings set at right angles
to the main thoroughfares. In the northern sector is a field system of more than one phase, set
out to either side of the major road (4) running north-east. Significantly, the alignment of the
former boundaries is similar, implying a change in land ownership or tenure rather than
modifications in crop or husbandry management. These fields continue to the east of the
occupation road, but have largely been ploughed out. The broad impression is that the
secondary field boundaries north of the major road enclose larger plots than during the
primary phase. Almost all of the fields have entrances in a corner; this would imply that they
were all used for animal husbandry at some time, even if it was just for manuring or security.
Understandably, it is easier to herd animals through a field boundary, which is emplaced in the
corner (Pryor 1998, 101, 103, 121). In other words, if the entrance to an enclosure is central,
the assumption is that it is not intended to be used for stock.
Several possible roundhouses can be provisionally identified over the site (16), which
do not appear to have defensive enclosures, but these could be masked by later activity. One
close to the west bank of the watercourse, associated with the primary field system, is cut by a
later boundary. Suggestions of further roundhouses can be seen close to this. Several pits
can be seen over the survey area, although it is possible that those lying adjacent to the
watercourse could be wells (17); the percolation of the water through the ground was thought
to have offered some form of natural filtration (Johnson 1983; Hodge 1995, 71). In total,
there could be as many as 16 wells, most of them giving a magnetic response some 2-3m in
size and are either square or rectangular, although the excavated size could be smaller (see
Johnson 1983, 205, fig. 156). Wells could also be associated with individual buildings or
plots, but in that instance, they could equally be interpreted as refuse or latrine pits.
The boundaries to the settlement to the south-east of the vicus are complex. However,
many of the boundaries appear to be arranged on a similar alignment to those to the east. It is
clear that many of the southerly field boundaries may have been affected by ploughing, and
their southern limit is not now known, although additional survey to the south-east may be
productive in some areas. To the south of the settlement, however, the field boundaries are
aligned to the major road systems (1 & 4). These can be seen to overlie an earlier field system
similar to that found in the northern sector of the settlement. The fields generally are larger
and many contain buildings; some of the larger ones almost certainly used for livestock.
A curved linear feature to the west of the road on the south-west of the survey area
could suggest the line of a ditch to an earlier fort (18). However, if the major road from the
south-east (1) were centred on its length it would suggest a fort with its longest dimension of
c. 220m, which would make it the largest fort on the Wall. This is an area where further
investigation is required in order to validate any interpretation. What should be noted is that
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
7
there is no valid or obvious reason, such as the topography, which dictates that a major road to
the fort should be offset by some 350m.
At the edge of the survey area to the north, evidence can be seen of the Vallum (5) and
a crossing (19), seen as a mix of positive and negative anomalies. This mixture of anomalies
represents both the ditch and the upcast from it. There is some slight evidence, in the form of
a diffuse negative linear area, north of the Vallum crossing of a possible area of metalling,
possibly indicating a road surface.
4. Discussion
This survey has given some insight into the arrangement of the vicus to a fort about which less
is probably known than any other Wall fort. The survey shows that the vicus is set out to the
west of a watercourse and that this feature dictated the eastern extent of most of the
settlement. Romano-British field systems were apparently largely unaffected by building and
could reflect the importance of an existing source of supply to the Roman army. The annona,
an important component of the military diet was almost certainly levied on the frontier. For
example, depopulation on the Eastern Frontier at Dobrudja on the Pontic Shore, meant that
after pacification, the military was forced to draft in farming families from Roman Thrace to
resolve their problem with wheat supply (Williams 1996, 62). The vicus itself is made up of a
loose group of buildings, which has spread out from the Vallum crossing. Its full extent is not
known, as buildings could be present within the woodland to the west of the survey area.
The contrasting character of the fields to either side of the watercourse (15) can clearly
be seen on figure 5, which shows the simplified layout of the field boundaries, road and ditch
systems in bold line, whilst omitting other complicating features. It is significant that the
ditch system connected with the fields, particularly in the east, have a large span and depth
(implied from the strength of the magnetic response). The fact that the ditches follow the
contours indicates that they were not used for drainage purposes alone, and it would seem that
their main purpose would have been to prevent cattle and other animals entering the cultivated
areas or hayfields, or alternatively to protect them. A very similar system was seen within the
field system at Maryport (Biggins and Taylor 2004b; compare figs. 5.2 & 5.6, 105 & 110),
where gentle drainage along the contours probably prevented erosion.
The character of the enclosures to either side of the watercourse differs to quite a
marked degree. Those to the east are made up of a series of small linked enclosures, which
are typical of Romano-British field systems and entrances to these fields from the road are
evident. Those to the west, overlying an earlier phase of much smaller enclosures, are larger
in size. Some of these latter enclosures probably contain buildings, whilst it is suggested that
others could be for the containment of stock. Some indication of a primary field system was
seen in the angle where the road from the southeast joins the road running northeast. The
roads are quite clearly set out either side of the main road entering the fort and are
contemporary with the vicus. It would seem that a field was set out to each side of the roads
entering the fort, being accessible from these roads. The field boundaries running from the
road are set at a right angle to the inner boundary. The fields behind these would appear to
have been accessed from the roads running out from the vicus itself.
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
8
Further examination of this field system to the east of the watercourse shows that the
earlier fields were considerably smaller than the later phase. It is also clear that the minor
road running north-west (14) is later as it cuts earlier field boundaries, whilst it is almost
certain the main north-easterly road (4) continued to be used concurrently. The size of the
fields falls mainly within the approximate areas of 600 -700m². This is about half of an actus
quadratus (c. 1260m²), and although difficult to prove at this remove in time, may have been a
standard allocation, even if they were farmed or managed by an indigenous population. A tidy
Roman mind might have been responsible for basic survey and subsequent allocation. It
should not be forgotten that a governor of Britain, Sextus Julius Frontinus (c. 74-78), who
later wrote about survey, could have had a particular interest in it, and was possibly even a
land commissioner (Dilke 1980, 41; Campbell 2000, xxvii-xxxi). It is also significant that
Frontinus stressed the importance of straight lines and right angles in land measurement,
features which are evident in the southern field boundaries (Campbell 2000, 13).
The earlier field system to the west of the watercourse can be seen to extend under the
vicus and to the southern edge of the survey area. It is probable that it extended up to the
limits of the classified road, although the archaeological evidence has been either destroyed by
ploughing, or in an ideal world covered by colluvium. The difference in character to those to
the east implies either a different use or different tenants, who were possibly members of the
indigenous population. The plot divisions to the east of the road leading south (4) suggest the
character of the later burgage plots of the medieval period and retention of an existing
successful agricultural regime. In many cases, buildings can be seen within their boundaries.
The regularity of many of the field boundaries suggests that the boundaries were set out to a
predetermined layout and are not the result of arbitrary division.
Although it is apparent that the fields have been laid out in a regular pattern, it is
possibly subjective to try to relate the field dimensions to a unit of measure. Some evidence
of the use of the pes Drusianus in military buildings on the Wall and elsewhere has been
identified (Taylor 2000, 41-42). Due to the small difference between the dimensions of a pes
Monetalis and the pes Drusianus (296 mm and 333mm; Duncan Jones 1980, 85-98)
comparison can be subjective and special pleading could be suggested for his hypothesis.
This is due to the possible inaccuracy of any measuring device and the ability of the surveyor
when setting out the boundaries. However, rather than concentrating upon units of length, the
issue of area should perhaps be considered. The area of many of these plots falls within three
approximate ranges; 650m², 1250m² and 2500m² (respectively circa 0.5, 1 and 2 actus
quadratus). The semi-actus quadratus may even have been an accepted sub-division of land
allocations, where good agricultural land was at a premium. It is also significant that many of
the fields fall within the areas 1222m2 and 1276m2, and several of the larger fields are almost
double the size of these stated areas.
It could be noteworthy that the width of the fields A and B measure approximately 150
and 500 pes Drusianus respectively (see figure 4). The size of the plots east of the
watercourse, in many cases, falls between 500 - 600m². One factor, which cannot be
determined, and was proscribed by Roman access law, was the width of access roads or paths
to a neighbour’s property. This law, the Lex Mamilia, attributed to Julius Caesar, guarantees a
width of a minimum of five feet leading to a neighbour’s property (Dilke 1971, 104-5).
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
9
Presumably, this allocation was in force even or especially on frontier settlements and was
removed from the tenant’s or occupier’s land allocation. The problem today is in determining
which plot holder (and hence the field or enclosure) was the responsibility of which
landowner or tenant. It follows that an individual’s land allocation may appear smaller and not
fall within the accepted surveyor’s range, either in terms of length or area. However, it is
generally accepted that each piece of land allows the boundary to stretch to a width of two and
a half feet (Campbell 2000, 23-5).
The late prehistoric period saw an expansion of agricultural settlement into the
uplands, and extensive clearing of woodland has been dated to the first decade of the first
century AD (Woodside and Crow 1999, 30). Evidence of cultivation and field systems can be
seen beneath most of the forts per lineam valli, and Roman field systems have been identified
at Housesteads (ibid., 33). It is apparent that much of the land on the line of the Wall was
being cultivated prior to its construction (Bidwell and Watson 1996, 8-17; Bennett 1998, 19).
The Romans would have found on their arrival well-established arable cultivation almost
certainly growing higher yielding spelt wheat (predominant in the North; van der Veen and
Palmer 1997, 163 -182) and barley (Huntley 1999, 49-64). Both wheat for men and barley for
animals were staples which could be requisitioned from the civilian population under a system
known as frumentum emptum (Rickman 1971 271), not necessarily at disadvantageous terms.
When the forts on the Stanegate frontier, between Carlisle and Corbridge, were built it is
possible that new Romano-British settlements were established attracted by the presence of
the Roman army. Conversely, those settlements displaced by the Roman army, during the
construction of the defensive works associated with the Hadrianic frontier, would have had to
be resettled in a location dictated by the army. A further layer of dependency on the forts
could have been created, with these settlements providing foodstuffs for the vici and the forts.
Examples of forts in a close juxtaposition with field systems are known at Old
Carlisle and on the Antonine wall at Bar Hill and Carriden (Keppie et al 1995, 602-6).
However, some authors propose an alternative view that small fields in association with forts
(e.g. Carriden) may represent some form of allotment by the Roman rather than the
embodiment of an indigenous agricultural system (Armit 2005, 62). Field systems, of
unknown magnitude, have been identified to the west of the fort at Carvoran following an
unpublished geophysical survey by the authors (Breeze 2006, 280-281). Ditched enclosures to
allotments and fields have been identified to the south-east of the fort at Brough-on-Noe
(Dearne 1993, 155).
A major road (1) joins that running south some 275m from the road leading to the
Vallum crossing. This road is wider than any other leading to the fort and bends towards the
River Irthing, where it is likely that an unrecognised bridge was constructed. It is probable
that this road joined the Stanegate, whilst the road running to the south headed towards
Brampton Old Church. The presence of this road from the south-east is surprising as it is not
laid out on the axis of the known or any postulated earlier fort. The breadth of the major roads
entering the settlement is wider and better defined than is known at other Wall forts such as
Birdoswald, Carvoran and Housesteads and the associated site of Maryport (Biggins and
Taylor 2004a, b & c).
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
10
The road crossing the outer ditch from the fort changes direction at the edge of an open
space, which has tentatively been identified as a possible a market place. There are few
apparent buildings in this area to the south of the outer ditch, and its importance is enhanced,
as it is the place where at least four roads converge. The absence of buildings is supported by
the presence of clear undisturbed secondary field boundaries within the space. No market
place is known to any vicus, in Britain, although their existence has been inferred (Sommer
1984, 39-40). A similar open space has been seen on the road leading west from the fort at
Birdoswald (Biggins and Taylor 2004, 176). In this case, the road widens out to form an
elliptical space close to the edge of the settlement.
A speculative model for the pre-Roman and Romano-British occupation of the site at
Castlesteads can tentatively be put forward. Millet (1994, 44) has hypothesised that Rome
dealt with the British tribes by a combination of threats, promises and military action. Their
reward for co-operation with the Roman army could have been independence within
prescribed limits. Seen in the context of the Stanegate frontier, the Romans would have
secured the obedience of the indigenous settlements to the north. These communities may not
have been dispossessed of their land, but have been obliged to supply the Roman army
certainly with food and possibly in the form of conscripted labour or troops (Breeze 1984,
277). Additionally or alternately taxation may have been levied, such an example is that of the
Frisii, who were taxed in the form of commodities such as ox-hides (Tacitus, Histories, V,
25).
The prehistoric settlement at Castlesteads was built in a strategic position and probably
also occupied the low hill to the north-east of the fort. The change in the field patterns,
possibly prior to the building of the Hadrianic fort and settlement, may suggest a change in the
management of the agricultural pattern brought about by the involvement of the Romany
army. It is known that the Roman army was allocated land around fortresses to provide
essential materials. At the Legionary fortress of Xanten in Germany the area the territorium
was not less than 3,400 ha. or 8,500 acres (Petrikovits 1960, 63). Estimates of British
territorium coloniae, for much larger settlements are implied at Colchester (1,100ha), York
(900ha), and Lincoln (900 ha) (Rodwell 1975, 98). Whilst at Chester-le-Street, the only
known example of a frontier auxiliary military territorium is noted (RIB 1049; dated to AD
216), but gives no indication of the size. It has been suggested that a revision of the taxation
system for the benefit of the army was emplaced in the third century or even earlier, the
annona militaris (corn levy), which continued until the end of Roman Britain (Rickman 1971
278-283).
Whether the apparent change of pattern, seen in the creation of smaller fields, but
based upon the original Iron Age model, could have reflected the growing of different crops to
feed the army is a speculative hypothesis. Who controlled, or even farmed the fields close to a
fort is also uncertain. When the decision was taken to construct the Wall, the site chosen for
the fort at Castlesteads in view of its strategic position was founded on what was probably a
Romano-British settlement. The gentle, southern facing slope with fertile soil would have
provided an ideal settlement environment. Whether an earlier Stanegate fort was already in
situ is largely conjectural; this hypothesis is supported by evidence of a major road system
being offset from logical access to a ‘later’ fort. It is possible that a conscious decision was
also taken, by the pragmatic Roman military, in laying out the settlement, to retain part of the
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
11
existing field systems for agricultural use, either by the soldiers themselves or the indigenous
population.
5. Conclusion
The size of the settlement shown is small and there could probably be less than 60 buildings
shown on the magnetometry image. The possibility arises that the settlement may extend
much further to the west and follow the line of the Vallum, outside the limits of the survey.
The present known extent is some 750m along the largest axis of the survey. The Vallum
may not have been left open away from the fort for any extensive period, and further survey to
the north and west of Castlesteads House could clarify this very important point. It can be
strongly argued that at Castlesteads the Roman fort and vicus was founded on a Romano-
British settlement, and that the field system continued to be maintained and modified.
This evidence of the field systems identified on the Wall would tend to discount the
proposal put forward by Sommer (1984, 38) that agricultural activity in the military vici of the
Highland Zone can be decried and only small scale vegetable growing agriculture was
demonstrated. The probability is that extensive field systems will prove to have been
established at all the Wall forts, but this evidence is becoming rapidly degraded by modern
agriculture and building programmes.
The size of the identified vicus is much smaller than those detected elsewhere and
associated with the Wall at Birdoswald, Housesteads, Chesters, Vindolanda, Halton Chesters
and Corbridge, yet the field systems are considerable in extent. It is manifest that the scale of
any field systems and other features around the forts indicated with larger vici will have been
much greater in extent. At the present time there is very little archaeological research being
carried out on the Wall and no agreed inclusive research agenda (November 2006). This is
despite the Wall being a World Heritage Site with tourism being actively encouraged. The
full extent of the archaeological deposits around the forts listed above unknown and it is
almost certain to extend beyond those limits presently assumed.
Acknowledgements
Grateful thanks must be given to the main landowner Major Johnson and the tenant Mr Ian
Douglas together with the adjoining landowner’s Mr and Mrs Sutcliffe for allowing the survey
to take place. Thanks must also be given to Mr Andrew Brown, of Smiths Gore Chartered
Surveyors, for his help with the arranging access. The survey was carried out with the benefit
of generous grants from the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological
Society and the Royal Archaeological Institute. Thanks are also due to June Biggins, Bob
Coxon, Alex Greene, Ben Johnson, Rupert Lotherington, Janet Mears, Claire Nesbitt and Julia
Robinson who assisted with the survey.
JAB would like to dedicate this report to the theatre and ward staff at Ward 36, RVI,
Newcastle, and in particular, Mr D. Karat, consultant surgeon, without their skilled surgery
and care JAB would not have survived to contribute to this paper.
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
12
Bibliography
Armit, I., 2005, Celtic Scotland, Batsford, London
Bennett, J., 1998, “The Roman Frontier from Wallsend to Rudchester Burn Reviewed”,
Archaeologia Aeliana, ser. 5, 26, 17-37
Bidwell, P. T. and Watson, M., 1996, “Excavations on Hadrian’s Wall at Denton, Newcastle
upon Tyne, 1986-89”, Archaeologia Aeliana, ser. 5, 24, 1-56
Biggins, J. A. and Taylor, D. J. A.. 2004a, “Geophysical Survey of the vicus at Birdoswald
Roman fort, Cumbria”, Britannia 35, 159-178.
Biggins, J. A. and Taylor, D. J .A., 2004b, “The Roman fort and vicus at Maryport:
geophysical survey, 2000-2004”, in R. J. A. Wilson and I. Caruana (eds.), Romans on
the Solway, Maryport.
Biggins, J. A. and Taylor, D. J. A., 2004c, “A geophysical survey of Housesteads
Roman fort”, Archaeologia Aeliana, 23, 51-59.
Breeze, D, 1984, ‘Demand and Supply on the Roman Frontier’, in R. Miket and C.
Burgess (eds.), Between and Beyond the Walls: Essays on the History and Prehistory of
North Britain in Honour of George Jobey, John Donald Publishers Ltd. Edinburgh, 264-
286.
Breeze, D J, 2000, Hadrian’s Wall, Harmondsworth
Campbell, B., 2000, The Writings of the Roman Land Surveyors, Society for the Promotion of
Roman Studies, Journal of Roman Studies Monograph no. 9, London
Collingwood, R. G., 1922, “Castlesteads”, CW2, 22, 198-233
Daniels, C. M., 1978, J. Collingwood-Bruce’s Handbook to
the Roman Wall,(13th ed..) Newcastle upon Tyne.
Dearne, M. J., 1993, Navio – the fort and vicus at Brough-on-Noe, Derbyshire, BAR Brit. Ser.
234, Oxford
Dilke, O.A.W., 1971, The Roman Land Surveyors: An Introduction to the Agrimensores,
David and Charles, London
Duncan-Jones, R. P., 1980, “Length-Units in Roman Town Planning: The Pes Monetalis and
the Pes Drusianus”, Britannia, 11, 127-133.
Heslop, D., 1987, The excavation of an Iron Age settlement at Thorpe Thewles,
Cleveland, 1980-2, CBA Excavation Report 65
Hodge, T. A., 1991, Roman Aqueducts and water Supply, London
Huntley, J. P., 1999, “Environmental Evidence from Hadrian’s Wall”, in P. Bidwell (ed.),
Hadrian’s Wall 1989-1999, 49-64
Hutchinson, W., 1794, The History of the County of Cumberland, Carlisle
Keppie, L. J. F., Bailey, G. B., Dunwell, A. J., McBrien, J. H. and Speller, K., 1995 “Some
excavations on the line of the Antonine Wall 1985-93”, PSAS, 125
Johnson, A., 1983, Roman Forts, London
Mann, J.C., 2002, “The Settlement of Veterans Discharged from Auxiliary Units
Stationed in Britain”, Britannia, 33, 183 – 188
Millett, M., 1994, The Romanization of Britain, Cambridge
Petrikovits, H. von, 1960, Das Römishe Rheinland: Archäeologishe Forshungen Seit
1945, Köln.
Pryor, F., 1998, Farmers in Prehistoric Britain, Tempus, Stroud.
Richmond, I. A. and Hodgson, K, S, 1934, “Excavations at Castlesteads”, CW2, 34, 159-165
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
13
Rickman, G., 1971, Roman Granaries and Store Buildings. Cambridge.
Rodwell, W., 1975, Milestones, Civic Territories and the Antonine Itinerary, Britannia 6, 76 -
101.
Sommer, S., 1984, The Military Vici in Roman Britain, BAR Brit. ser. 129, Oxford
Tacitus, Histories.
Taylor, D. J. A., 2000, The Forts on Hadrian’s Wall, BAR Brit. ser. 305, Oxford
Taylor, D. J.A., Robinson, J, and Biggins, J. A., 2000, “A Report on a Geophysical Survey of
the Fort and Vicus at Halton Chesters”, Archaeologia Aeliana, ser. 5, 28, 35-46
van der Veen, M. and Palmer, C., 1997, “Environmental Factors and the Yield
Potential of Ancient Wheat Crops”, Journal of Archaeological Science, 24, 163 -182
Williams, D., 1996, The Reach of Rome, St. Martin’s Press, New York.
Wilmott, T., 1997, Birdoswald, English Heritage Archaeological Report 14, London
Woodside, R, and Crow, J., 1999, Hadrian’s Wall, An Historic Landscape, National Trust

List of Figures [NOTE: Problems with the PDF formatting prevented me from getting the last Figure to post, and the text between the Figures also had to be sacrificed.  For the missing images and information, please see the Academia.edu page listed at the head of this article.  My apologies for any inconvenience.]