Monday, July 20, 2026

A POSSIBLE ASTRONOMICAL CORRESPONDENCE FOR ARTHUR'S SWORD IN THE ANVIL

Orion's Sword


Dr. Linda A. Malcor and John Matthews have recently published a new book on the Arthurian motif of the sword in the anvil (not sword in the stone!).  This book was just discussed on Richard Johnson's wonderful O'R GOLWG YouTube channel:


Unfortunately, in the co-authors' attempt to trace the mythological nature of the sword in the anvil, they neglected to closely examine the context in which that motif is found in the Arthurian tradition.

Elsewhere, I have shown some of the sources that may have contributed to the sword in the anvil story (see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2026/04/the-non-mystery-of-arthurs-sword-in.html).  But I had not delved into any possible astronomical significance of the story for many years, having been dissatisfied with earlier efforts to do so.  

I now feel, though, that is often the case, any underlying astronomical symbolism, while in a sense profound, may not be that complicated. 

Robert de Boron first recounts the story in his MERLIN romance.  There we learn the following:

Kay is knighted on All Hallows or 1 November (the old pagan Samhain).  

The sword first appears at Christmas, 25 December (close to the winter solstice).

The next drawing and replacing of the sword happens at Candlemas on 2 February (1 February having been the pagan Imbolc).

The next drawing and replacing happens at Easter, which can fall on various dates between 22 March and 25 April.

The final drawing of the sword - with it not being placed back in the anvil - happens at Pentecost, which depending on the date of Easter can fall between 10 May and 13 June.

Now, various writers on the subject have chosen to emphasize the medieval significance of the Christian liturgical year with its round of festivals.  And it is true that holy days were often selected for medieval knighting and coronation ceremonies.  

However, what about the possibility that Arthur's sword was related to Orion's weapon?  This may seem on the surface a silly idea, but note below what Orion does during the year when viewed from the latitude of London:

Beginning in October at 51.5°N latitude (the latitude of London, Calgary, and Voronezh), the Orion constellation shifts into its late-night and early-morning viewing window, transitioning from a pre-dawn feature into a classic evening winter fixture. 

At 51.5°N latitude (the latitude of cities like London, Calgary, or Berlin), Orion the Hunter returns to the evening sky in early November, rising in the east-southeast at approximately 9:00 PM local time. By mid-to-late November, it emerges even earlier, becoming clearly visible by 8:00 PM.

At 51.5°N latitude (such as London, UK), Orion is highest in the southern sky around midnight in mid-December. Because the Earth's orbit shifts the constellation earlier by two hours each month, you can see it highest around 10 p.m. in mid-January, 8 p.m. in mid-February, and 6 p.m. in mid-March.

At 51.5° N latitude (the latitude of London, Calgary, and Voronezh), the constellation Orion dominates the southern sky during prime evening hours at the beginning of February. 

At 51.5° N latitude (the latitude of London, UK, and southern Canada), Orion is visible low in the southwestern sky at sunset during Easter, quickly sinking and setting due west by mid-evening. Because Easter occurs in early spring (late March to mid-April), Orion is ending its winter-long dominance of the northern night sky.

At 51.5° N latitude, Orion completely disappears from the evening sky in late April to early May. As spring progresses, the constellation sinks lower into the western horizon and becomes entirely lost in the sun's evening glare.Throughout May and June, Orion is positioned directly behind the Sun from Earth's perspective, making it completely invisible. It remains hidden from the night sky until late July or early August, when it finally reappears just before dawn in the eastern sky.

If we overlap the sword in the anvil's dated events with the movement of Orion's sword, we have this:

1) Kay is knighted when Orion first becomes prominent in the evening sky.

2) The sword first appears in the churchyard at midwinter, when Orion is at its highest in the southern sky around midnight.

3) The sword is drawn and replaced at the beginning of February when Oriion dominates the sky.

4) The sword is drawn and replaced as Orion is beginning to lose dominance in the sky.  

5) At Pentecost (if falling in early May), Arthur draws the sword for the last time, as it disappears in the sky and cannot be returned to the anvil (i.e. it does not set back into the earth).

This arrangement of the sword in the anvil story in accordance with an easily observable celestial phenomenon seems preferable to the tenuous connections Malcor and Mathews have sought to attach to the Arthurian motif.  




Thursday, July 9, 2026

SULIS OF BATH AND SULIS OF CASTENNEC: A STRANGE CORRESPONDENCE INVOLVING ST. GILDAS

Castennec Hill (ancient Sulis/Sulim), Oppidum of the Osismii


Hermitage of St. Gildas at Castennec

Whenever we treat of Brittany it is important we bear in mind that it was subject to heavy migration from Britain in the 5th-6th centuries.  And this means that traditions and place-names could be brought from the latter island to the Gallic pennisula.

Still, I appear to have discovered (?) something odd about a well-known Gildas/Gueltas site in Morbihan.

According to legend, in 538 Gildas and a companion monk found an oratory or hermitage in a cave next to Castennec.  Why is this interesting?  Well, Castennec Hill is accepted as the location of a Sulis or Sulim hilltop fortification, thought to be an oppidum of the Osismii tribe.  The name is this hillfort preserves the goddess name Sulis, who was the tutelary deity of Aquae Sulis in Britain.

There are a great many Websites that discuss this location and St. Gildas' connection with it.  What follows is just a quick sampling:











Now, the British Aquae Sulis became known as Bath to the English, and our best linguists are sure that Gildas's Badonicus = Bathum.  The same is true of the later Welsh form of the name, Caer Faddon.  This is so despite an apparent traditional identification of Badon in the Welsh Annals and The Dream of Rhonabwy with the Liddington Badbury, something I've written about elsewhere in considerable detail.  The has always existed the possibility that a Badon/Bathum could have been confused at some point with the Baddan- of Baddanbyrig.  Or vice-versa.

What I'm a bit surprised about is that no one seems to have suggested (?) that given a Gildas at a Sulis site - a site on a fortified hill - that it is quite possible the Bath name from the British Aquae Sulis had at some point in the transmission through the centuries of Gildas's RUIN OF BRITAIN been transferred to the Breton Sulis location.  This would have been a fairly natural legendary development, I would think.  And if this is the way Badonicus came to be, then the original site of the Badon battle was neither Bath nor Badbury in Britain, but Castennec Hill in Brittany.  

I've before suggested that the English name Bathum may have been used in preference to the pagan-charged Sulis.

We may recall that Brittany, like Britain, had been subjected to heavy Saxon raids.  And, indeed, during the later Roman period Armorica comprised the Tractus Armoricanus et Nervicanus under the command of a dux responsible for defending the peninsula against seaborne Germanic invaders.

On the map at the top of the page we can see another interesting name next to Gueltas and Castennec - Gamblen.  While the etymology of this place-name is not the same as that of the Camlan of Welsh sources (my research, not yet confirmed, shows it to be from the same initial element, meaning 'crooked', but a second derived from the Celtic word *lindo- for 'pool'), it is interesting to find such a river-bend name so close to what may have been the original Badon hillfort.

Some time ago I had written about an unusual Breton "Badon" place-name in the same region:


When I wrote that piece I had no idea about the presence of the nearby Sulis oppidum.

There is really no "safe" conclusion to draw from all this.  To begin with, the identification of the Breton St. Gueltas and St. Gildas has always been somewhat suspect.  And, again, we have the problem of British immigrants bringing their own place-names and traditional histories or folktales into Brittany.  But it is hard to ignore the obvious correspondence that exists between two confirmed ancient sites dedicated to the worship of Sulis and their connection with St. Gildas.  






Tuesday, July 7, 2026

BADON WAS FOUGHT IN BRITTANY, NOT IN BRITAIN?

NOTE: Since working on this piece, I've proposed a new etymology for Baden, Morbihan, Brittany: Breton bodenn, 'harbor'. This may be for Port Blanc or the Port de Larmor-Baden.  I do not think there is a problem with a form Baden, found relatively late (13th century).  The real question is whether Gildas' Badon - supposedly in England - could have influenced the spelling of an earlier Bodenn.  Or, as is equally possible, Badon is a misrendering of Bodenn and the battle in question was fought not in Britain, but in Brittany or Little Britain.  




Baden Commune, Morbihan

For a very long time now, historians have been stymied or nonplussed by the short passages in Gildas on Ambrosius Aurelianus and Badon:

After a certain length of time the cruel robbers returned to their home. A remnant, to whom wretched citizens flock from different places on every side, as eagerly as a hive of bees when a storm is threatening, praying at the same time unto Him with their whole heart, and, as is said, burdening the air with unnumbered prayers, that they should not be utterly destroyed, take up arms and challenge their victors to battle under Ambrosius Aurelianus. He was a man of unassuming character, who, alone of the Roman race chanced to survive in the shock of such a storm (as his parents, people undoubtedly clad in the purple, had been killed in it), whose offspring in our days have greatly degenerated from their ancestral nobleness. To these men, by the Lord's favour, there came victory.

tempore igitur interueniente aliquanto, cum recessissent domum[38] crudelissimi praedones, roborante deo reliquiae, quibus confugiunt undique de diuersis locis miserrimi ciues, tam audie quam apes alueari procella imminente, simul deprecantes eum tot corde et, ut dicitur, innumeris ‘onerantes aethera uotis’, ne ad internicionem usque delerentur, duce ambrosio aureliano[40] uiro modesto, qui solus forte romanae gentis tantae tempestatis collisione occisis in eadem parentibus purpura nimirum indutis superfuerat, cuius nunc temporibus nostris suboles magnopere auita bonitate degenerauit, uires capessunt, uictores prouocantes ad proelium: quis uictoria domino annuente cessit.

26. From that time, the citizens were sometimes victorious, sometimes the enemy, in order that the Lord, according to His wont, might try in this nation the Israel of to-day, whether it loves Him or not. This continued up to the year of the siege of Badon Hill, and of almost the last great slaughter inflicted upon the rascally crew. And this commences, a fact I know, as the forty-fourth year, with one month now elapsed; it is also the year of my birth.

26. ex eo tempore nunc ciues, nunc hostes, uincebant, ut in ista gente experietur dominus solito more praesentem israelem, utrum diligat eum an non: usque ad annum obsessionis badonici montis[41], nouissimaeque ferme de furciferis non minimae stragis, quique quadragesimus quartus[42] (ut noui) orditur annus mense iam uno emenso, qui et meae natiuitatis est.

I came to realize after considerable research that Ambrosius Aurelianus was a strange, conflated version of the prefect of Gaul of that name and his son and namesake, St. Ambrose.  I've written a considerable amount on this subject, and have confirmed (at least to my satisfaction) that the A.A. who appears in Britain, later under the Welsh guise of Emrys, is a complex folklore figure.  One of my better pieces on this can be found here:


I was thinking along these lines the other day when it occurred to me that as the prefect of Gaul might well have been involved in Brittany or Little Britain, and Gildas himself was present on that peninsula.  The Rhuys Peninsula of the Breton Gildas, as it happened, is very close to a Baden* place-name.  In the Baden commune is actually found an ancient church dedicated to St. Gildas.  The Baden place-name itself traces back to the 13th century and is of unknown etymology.

For some good links on Baden, see the following:



Baden - Baden

Baden , in Breton Baden , remains unexplained.

The oldest known spelling - in 1430 - is Badan , which we find in the year 1430 in the archives of the chapter of Vannes.

Hervé Abalain, professor at the UBO, would lean towards an anthroponym. No relation with the Baden of our Germanic neighbors has been demonstrated.



Shows  back to the 13th century.





Etymology :

* Dauzat and Rostaing (1978): " Badan , 1430; obscure ".

* Erwan Vallerie (1995): " Baden , 1267; Baden , 1304; Baden , 1387; Badan , 1430; Baden , 1453; Baden , 1516; Badain , 1731"

* Éditions Flohic (1996): " It remains obscure and debated because the connection with the Anglo-Saxon name has not been demonstrated ."

* Hervé Abalain (2000): " Baden , anthroponym only "


St. Gildas in Baden.


Note 1 : au village de Moustérian ou Moustéran, on remarque quelques vestiges qui passe pour être ceux d'une chapelle de saint Gildas. C'est là, dit-on, que se serait embarqué saint Bieuzy (blessé à mort et se rendant chez l'abbé de Rhuys) dont la "vie" a été écrite qu'en 1659. Il est fort possible qu'il y ait eu à cet endroit un établissement monastique détruit par les Normands au Xème siècle.

In the village of Moustérian or Moustéran, we notice some remains that are believed to be those of a chapel of Saint Gildas. It is said that it was there that Saint Bieuzy embarked (mortally wounded and on his way to the abbot of Rhuys), whose "life" was only written in 1659. It is quite possible that there was a monastic establishment here, destroyed by the Normans in the 10th century.

From Professor Matthieu Boyd I have this (personal correspondence):

Short answer to an etymology: no.

The answer from 1803 is that it means "baths" like the German towns in -bad: "Pour les villes de Baden en Suabe, en Suisse, en Bretagne, personne n'ignore que c'est de bad bain, qu'elles ont pris leur nom" (p. 49 in the "Belles-Lettres" section at https://www.google.com/books/edition/M%C3%A9moires_de_l_Acad%C3%A9mie_royale_des_scie/zH_NAAAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq).

But that seems like that's probably overreach. There are places in Brittany with "bath" names, from Latin balneus, but those are all Bain in French, Baen in Breton, e.g. Bain-de-Bretagne.

Hervé Abalain, Noms de lieux bretons (Jean-Paul Gisserot, 2000), in contrast to the "Bain" names gives "Baden" as:

- Baden (56 [=Morbihan]), Baden (anthroponyme seul)

I don't have Albert Deshayes' placename dictionary here to check what he says.

Rosenzweig's topographical dictionary of the Morbihan (https://www.google.com/books/edition/Dictionnaire_topographique_du_d%C3%A9parteme/jcsFAAAAQAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1, p. 4) says the name goes with a creek of the same name and was attested as Badan in 1430.

Now, something that we have overlooked when it comes to Gildas in Britain and in Brittany is the very real possibility that the movement of tradition from one place to the other may have been transmitted in either direction. What I mean by that is that a tradition of a battle near where a St. Gildas was in Brittany could have at any time been transferred in story to Britain.  I'm talking about a sort of migrating legend here.  The difference between a spelling like Badan and Badon may be important for modern linguists, but it was of negligible significance for ancient hagiographers and chroniclers.  Non-standardized spelling was pretty much the rule of the day, in fact, in many instances.  Of course, it is possible Baden in Morbihan was identified with a similarly spelled place in Britain, i.e. one of the Bath or Badbury place-names. 

Sure, it is possible that this Baden name has been transported from Britain to Brittany, and plunked down amidst Gildas sites because, well, it was Gildas' Badon.  But that seems rather unlikely to me.  Especially given that his A.A. was in Gaul, of which Brittany was a part.  Not in Britain.

However, the Breton specialists cannot make anything out of this Baden. In short, it does not look like a Breton place-name at all.  That fact lends support to the idea that an immigrant from Britain brought it to Brittany and intentionally applied to to a region ripe with Gildas sites. 

But, if we do have both an Ambrosius Aurelianus and a Badon in Brittany, not Britain, then I have no hestitation in saying that Arthur's name has merely been attached to the battle site because he was a famous legendary British hero.

AND WHAT MIGHT THIS HAVE TO DO WITH ARTHUR'S CAMLAN?

I feel the same lack of confidence regarding Arthur's Camlan.  For one, if he were attached to a Badon battle dated traditionally c. 500-520, then his death-date at Camlan may well have been fudged to accord with Badon.  We know Dyfed was at war with its Gwynedd neighbors to the North from early on (and, in fact, later struggles between the two regions is enshrined in the tale MATH SON OF MATHONWY).  It is quite credible that an Arthur who dies at the Afon Gamlan/Camlan might actually be Arthur son of Pedr of Dyfed.  The chronological adjustment would not have been difficult to make, especially given that the war-leader of the Camlan entry is not provided with a patronymic. 

In fact, I will go further with this: Medraut/Modred is from L. moderatus.  There is a very interesting Welsh word that conveys the same meaning:

GPC

pwyllus 

[pwyll1+-us] 

a.

Pwyllog, a chanddo’r gallu i wneud penderfyniadau cyfrifol, doeth, cymedrol, rhesymol, synhwyrol, dwys, call, meddylgar, ystyriol; gochelgar, gofalus, hamddenol, araf:

•  characterized by deliberation, discreet, wise, moderate, rational, sensible, grave, prudent, thoughtful, considerate; cautious, careful, leisurely, slow. 

This brings to mind the famous Pwyll Lord of Dyfed, hero of the Mabinogion story.  Pwyll's son, Pryderi, is said to have conquered Ystrad Tywi and Ceredigion.  

It would be fitting if Arthur son of Pedr of Dyfed died fighting with a warrior/chieftain whose Latin name had been chosen as a deckname for the mythical Pwyll. 

I had earlier come up with an idea for Camlan as a reflection of the death of Arthur of Dalriada in battle against the Miathi:


While that is a possibility, it still leaves us with the problem of the Dalriadan Arthur fighting the Miathi, which itself looks to be a folk memory of L. Artorius Castus fighting the Maeatae.

And, indeed, the profound skepticism with which I now view both Badon and Camlan in an Arthurian context has me perilously close to seeing the HB Arthurian battles - excepting Badon, of course - as a perfect campaign list for L. Artorius Castus under Severus and Caracalla.  More and more, I'm seeing the great Arthur of the HB as a ghost of an early 3rd century dux of British legions sent against the Maeatae and the Caledonii.  A ghost whose name was taken by Irish coming into Britain centuries later, Irish who were intent on making themselves as British - and as Romano-British - as possible. 

To have that, I must opt for my own proposed reading of ARM(ATAS) GENTES for the lacuna of the Castus memorial inscription. 

*
My friend and fellow Arthurian enthusiast/independent scholar Chris Gidlow has notified me that the Baden site has been discussed before in 'Will the Real King Arthur Please Stand Up' by Ronald Miller.  Thus I did not originate this idea.  

Monday, July 6, 2026

Ambrosius Vs. Vitalinus, Son of Vitalis and St. Ambrose With the Two Vitalises

The Martyrdom of Saint Vitalis by Federico Barocci

I once tried to make a case for Vitalis, father of the Vitalinus who supposedly fought Ambrosius at Wallop, being either a Latinization of the AS personal name Fitela, found in a place-name close to Amesbury, or that Fitela may have contributed to a Vitalis being located in the region:


At the time, I did not have the benefit of being able to access some wonderful source materials which appear to show that Fitela was, indeed, Latinized.  These sources (the URLs of which are supplied below) record instances of Vitalis being used for Fittleton and similar place-names elsewhere in England.

I asked Dr. Richard Coates about the matter.  What follows is our discussion on the subject:

Richard,

The older place-name books all give an OE Fitela for Fittleton in Yorkshire. But I find some excellent recent sources giving L. Vitalis...

Any idea which is right?



Fitela could be a (weak masculine) adaptation of Vitalis, but only after Latin [w] had become [v] in a Western Romance language. [v] >> [f] presents no problem in OE, because early <f> may well often represent  [v]. But the date of first usage is critical.

So Fitela is more likely, later being Latinized as Vitalis. Correct?

Possibly.

When I was exploring the Fitela-Vitalis connection, I had missed something, however.  For it turns out that St. Ambrose (who, apparently, was conflated with his Gallic prefect father of the same name) had to do with not just one, but two saints named Vitalis.

In the first instance, Ambrose was involved in the translation of relics of a St. Vitalis of Bologna.  But it is the second Vitalis who is more interesting.  He was a saint of Ambrose' own Milan who was martyred in Ravenna by being tossed into a well (L. puteus).  See



pŭtĕus, i, m. (neutr. collat. form of the plur. pŭtĕa, ōrum, Varr. ap. Non. 217, 4) [root pu-, to cleanse; whence also purus, putus, purgo],
a well: puteum fodere, Plaut. Most. 2, 1, 32 (379): ex puteis jugibus aquam calidam trahi, Cic. N. D. 2, 9, 25; id. Div. 1, 50, 112: virgines se in puteos abjecisse, id. Prov. Cons. 3, 6; Plin. 9, 25, 41, § 80; 37, 9, 43, § 127; Plin. Ep. 2, 17, 25; 5, 6, 25: putei perennes, Hor. Ep. 1, 15, 15: puteum vitare patentem, id. ib. 2, 2, 135 et saep. —Of a cistern, Auct. B. Alex. 5 fin.—Prov.: in puteum conicere, to throw away, Petr. 42, 7.—
Transf., a pit, Verg. G. 2, 231; for storing grain in, Varr. R. R. 1, 57, 2; in mines, a pit, shaft, Plin. 33, 4, 21, § 68; 33, 6, 31, § 95; an air-shaft, air-hole, Vitr. 8, 6; a dungeon for slaves, Plaut. Aul. 2, 5, 21 (347); 2, 7, 3 (365); Col. 1, 6.

His sons, Gervasius and Protasius, were later exhumed by St. Ambrose.  Another set of saints - Celsus and Nazarius - are also dug up by Ambrose.  I have elsewhere associated this with the motif of Emrys digging up the two cinerary urns at Dinas Emrys. 

It is the martyrdom by being deposited in a well that here should concern us.  Why?  Because of the accepted etymology of Ambrosius's Wallop battle site.

Wallop is from the AS and means "valley of the well/spring". Hence Geoffrey of Monmouth's 'springs of Galabes' of his Merlin-Ambrosius story.

From Bosworth and Toller on the place-names first element:

willa
noun [ masculine ]

willa, wella, wylla, an. ; m.
A well, spring, fountain (lit. and fig.)

So, the placement of Vitalinus, son of Vitalis at Wallop looks to be yet more fraudulent history in the HB, as well as being more evidence for Ambrosius being Continental and of the 4th century, not of the 5th century.