Friday, February 22, 2019

The Bear River of the Birdoswald (Banna) and Castlesteads (Camboglanna) Roman Forts

http://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2016/10/the-bear-river-of-birdoswald-banna-and.html

In my book THE ARTHUR OF HISTORY, I indicated that Arthur's father's name - Arthwys - may, in fact, be a territorial designation for the region of the Irthing River.  [Arth = 'bear', while the -wys could be the suffix -wys, which is the Welsh form of Latin -enses. Hence Arthwys = 'man of the Arth'.]  We find both the Birdoswald Dark Age hall and the Camlann of Arthur along the Irthing, with the Aballava/Avalana fort not far to the west. What follows is an article written by place-name expert Dr. Andrew Breeze, who believes that Irthing means "Little Bear". 

Breeze, Andrew, Celts, bears, and the River Irthing, Archaeologia Aeliana, Society of Antiquaries Newcastle Upon Tyne, note 5, 34, 2005, 152-153:

A Sub-Roman Christian Inscribed Stone From Castlesteads/Camboglanna (A Repost)

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2016/10/a-sub-roman-christian-inscribed-stone.html

RIB 2331 from Castlesteads Roman fort

RIB 2331 Reversed


A carved stone dated roughly 466-599 CE was found at Castlesteads. Because in the past the inscription has been read wrongly, i.e. upside down as ‘BEDALTOEDBOS’, this has been considered a corrupt attempt at the divine name BELATUCADROS, altars to whom were found here in a Roman context.

However, once I reversed the stone I was able to parse the inscription as actually reading ‘SUB DEO LAUDIB[US]’, which according to Professor David Howlett of Oxford, an expert in early medieval Latin, can be translated as ‘with the accompaniment of praises of God’. Thus this stone clearly denotes a Christian presence at Castlesteads during the time of Arthur.  I have elsewhere made a case for St. Patrick having been born at the Birdoswald Roman fort nearby.

The following description of Castlesteads Roman fort is from 

http://www.pastscape.org.uk/hob.aspx?hob_id=12824

The site of the Roman fort of Castlesteads. It was excavated in 1934, and now survives as fragmentary earthworks. The archaeological history of Castlesteads fort (at NY 5120 6350), identified as CAMBOGLANNA, has been summarised by Birley. It has suffered massive damage not only from natural causes, primarily by the erosion of the river cliff to the north-west, which has destroyed the north-west defences, but mainly by the creation of gardens and the landscaping of the area in the late 18th century, which has almost totally obliterated the remains. Almost 50% of the fort interior is overlaid by a walled garden, in which nothing has survived above ground, and the greater part of the rest is planted with deciduous trees. This was originally ornamental woodland but is now managed to a relatively low level. Part of the severely mutilated south-west defences, and possibly some barely discernible remains of the north-east rampart, can still be seen in the old woodland as an outward-facing scarp, up to 1.2m high. There is a further scarp running alongside the south-east boundary of the walled garden. The best preserved section is of the south angle in the rose garden, where the scarp is 1.6m high, but affected by landscaping. From the excavations of 1934, the fort was found to measure about 114m northeast/southwest, and, from the juxtaposition of the gates, it was seen to face north-west. Assuming that the dimension through the main axis was as long or longer than the width, then at least 25m of the fort has been lost over the edge of the river cliff. Some 60m to the north-east of the fort, in the woods, is a low scarp, 0.4m maximum height, forming a right angle. It may be the remains of a larger Roman fort, or possibly an annexe. Inscriptions show the fort was occupied by the fourth cohort of Gauls in the second century AD, and the mounted second cohort of Tungrians in the third century AD.


Banna as the Home of St. Patrick (A Repost)

A great deal of controversy still exists over the whereabouts of the home of the famous Saint Patrick.  I will not here go over the various candidates, none of which have convinced the scholarly community.  Instead, I will make my case for just one of these candidates, as I think new evidence can be provided in support of it.

We are told that the saint was born at ‘uico [vico – “town”] bannauem taburniae (variants taberniae, thaburinde), ‘where three roads meet’ and that this place is ‘near the western sea’.  This town is otherwise known as Uentre (variants Nentriae, Nemthur).

It has long been recognized that the form ‘bannauem taberniae’, i.e. bannaven taberniae, shows an incorrect division of this place-name.  Instead, it should read

Banna Venta Berniae

Venta is best defined thusly (from “Brittonic Language in the Old North”, The Scottish Place-Name Society):

“In all the cases mentioned, a sense ‘a market, a trading-place’ is quite plausible, but the apparent similarity to Latin vendere, ‘to sell’ and its Vernacular Latin and Romance derivatives is probably misleading. Both *Bannaventa and *Glannoventa, as topographical names, might incorporate the suffix seen in the river-names above, or be based on lost river-names with that suffix. Nevertheless, Sims-Williams in APN p119 includes *Bannaventa and *Glannoventa along with the Venta group, under the sense ‘market’.”

Banna’s etymology is as follows (also from “Brittonic Language in the Old North”):

“Non-IE *ban-, *ben- > Early Celtic *banno/ā- > Brittonic, Gaulish banno/ā-, also Gaulish benno- (in place-names) > Old Welsh bann- > (in place-name Banngolau AC s.s. 874) > middle - modern Welsh ban > middle Cornish ba[d]n > Cornish ban (see CPNE p. 16), Old Breton bann > modern Breton ban; Irish, Gaelic benn > (and Gaelic, manx beinn).

Primarily, 'a horn, prong, antler-time', so also 'a drinking-horn, a sounding-horn'. In Celtic place-names generally 'a point, promontary, spur', and in Brittonic and Pritenic place-names 'summit, top', a use which shaped the Gaelic and manx development of the dative (locative) singular beinn to an independent noun, especially in hill-names.: see G. Barrow in Uses, p. 56 (however, given the rarity of ban[n] in surviving hill-names, the influence of unrelated pen[n] may also have been a factor).

To me, it is fairly obvious that 'Uentre', first found in the Life by Muirchu, is merely a duplication in slightly corrupt form of Venta.  Venta as 'market town' is a sort of Celtic substitution for Latin vicus, which has come down to us through Anglo-Saxon as wic or wick, 'market town'.

The Roman fort of Banna on the western end of Hadrian's Wall has often been pointed to as this particular Bannaventa (since the one in central England is not near the sea).  The vicus or civilian settlement that surrounded the fort was quite large, so there is no problem with the vicus/venta portion of the name.

The problem is the 'Berniae', which no one has been able to make anything sensible out of.  This is plainly a reference to the Tyne Gap,  a narrow but distinct corridor running east-west through a lowlying gap between the uplands of the Pennines visible to north and south.  The Gap spans the distance from the Tyne in the east to the Irthing in the west, and Banna/Birdoswald is right there at the western end of the Gap.   Current thought on the origin of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom name Bernicia (see John Koch's entry for Bryneich in CELTIC CULTURE: A HISTORICAL ENCYCLOPEDIA) is to derive it from the Celtic, i.e., *Bernacci/Bernaccia, ‘people/land of the gap(s).’

From the Electronic Dictionary of the Irish Language on the Irish word for 'gap':

bern
berna beirn berne bearn Bernai bernad bearnaidh bearna

Keywords: Gap; breach; pass; defile; position; defence; attack; refuge; breach; occupied; warrior; undefended; weak; position; defence; attack; position; danger; strait; fight; gap; break; flaw; drinking-horn; ungapped
Letter: B
COLUMN: 83
Line: 014
bern
ā, f. also berna iā, d and n. as. B. Chon Culaind,  RC viii 54.20  ( LL 13397 ). ds. b.¤,  Sitzb. , v 93 § 30 , beirn,  LL 17995 , gs. berne,  FM v 1636.9 . bearn f.,  IGT Decl. § 39.  as. Bernai,  Corp. Gen. 206.17
gs. cacha bernad,  LL 8030.  berna f., IGT Decl. § 4.  as. bearnaidh,  Éigse xiv 98 § 29.  gs. bearna,  § 28 .

gap, breach; pass, defile; hence weak position in defence or attack: dot luid i mbernai (ar berna, v.l. ) ar-mo chenn-sa thou camest into the breach against me ,  Sc. M² 13.  is b.¤ ina coṅgaib catha a breach in their battle position ,  CRR 57.
do coimét na mbernd cumung robui ag techt aran slia[bh],  ZCP vi 56.10 . annsa mbeirn = in the gap ,  Ez. xxii 30.  aon- fhear faire re seasamh gach beárnan,  Keat. Poems 463.  nī fhūicēb-sa an b.¤ (bern-, v.l. ) sin dom c[h]onāch gan caithem,  ML² 1412.  bearna as mo ré `a part of my life-span ',  Dán Dé xvii 8 . ar bearna an bháis,  DDána 30.6 . ? berna a eric,  Laws ii 98.6  .i. ar in fechiumh nos gaibh, uair do rochuir ní di,  13 Comm.  b.¤ na ngrás gur daingen duid refuge,  IGT Decl. ex. 411.
In phrr. b.¤, berna churad, ¤míled etc.  breach made or occupied by a warrior, etc.: ruc beirnd curad . . . dar cath na nAnmarcach,  Cog. 188.23 . ra briss beirn míled i cath naṅGréc,  LL 32300  ( TTr. 1488 ). do bris b.¤ céit isin cath i n-urc[h]omair a aigthi `made a breach of a hundred ',  Fianaig. 90.30 . berna cēt,  TBC² 3672.  Phr. b.¤ báegail undefended or weak position in defence or attack: aḟágbáil ar bernadaib bǽgail nó ar doirrsib aideda,  Mer. Uil.² 99.  ni b.¤ bægail in læch fuil and `no easy victim ',  Aen. 750.  See G 7.27 . Hence b.¤ position of danger, strait; fight: iarṁbrath na mb.¤,  Rawl. 69 a 27 . suan ón bheirn `from fight ' (Vocab.),  O'Hara 2609.  re ndul san mbeirn,  Dán Dé xxv 21 . gap; break, flaw in general: (expl. Bernán Brigte, name of saint's bell) foceirt forru co mmebaid ass a bernn `its gap broke out of it ' (i.e.  a piece broke off),  Trip. 114.14 . (of a drinking-horn) sēt blāith cen beirn `ungapped',  Measgra Uí Chl. 150 § 19.  an bhearn do-cháidh san chloinnse `the gap thus broken in her family ' (by a death),  Aithd. D. 13.10 . dar bernadaib in inair sin,  Acall. 5808 n . tar beirn na luirige,  BB 435 b 46 . Compds. trias na beilgibh bernbriste dorónadh las an ordanas broken into gaps ,  FM vi 2300.2 . See berrbróc. beilge berncairrgidhe na banBhoirne,  Hugh Roe 242.13 .

Just as importantly, the early name of Patrick in Tirechan is Magonus.  The god Mogons (and variants) is found on Hadrian's Wall, especially the western half/end - where the Banna Roman fort is located.  According to Celticist John Koch, the alternative name of Patrick, Magonus, might be related to this god name.

Finally, thanks to the paper by Dr. Andrew Breeze of Pamplona ("St.Patrick's Birthplace", Wlsh Journal of Religious History, 3, 2008, pp. 58-67), I have learned of the 3rd century (?) inscription, apparently from Corbridge but now at Hexham Abbey, by a Q. Calpurnius Concessinius.  Martin Charlesworth of Cambridge noticed that this Roman-period name contained both the family names of St. Patrick, whose father was Calpurnius and mother Conchessa.  Q. was a prefect of an unnamed cavalry unit celebrating the slaughter of a tribal group called the Corionototae.  This stone thus places both of the names of Patrick's parents near the Wall, where Banna/Birdoswald is located.



A CONTRIBUTIVE MOTIF TO THE 'SWORD IN THE STONE' STORY?

In  A SCULPTURED DACIAN FALX FROM BIRDOSWALD, author J. C. Coulston concludes with an interesting observation:

" The Birdoswald falces may indicate a unique regimental badge or the carrying o f falces, instead o f spathae, by the Dacian auxiliarii. A jealously guarded regimental tradition such as is suggested would have a close modern parallel in the Gurkha soldiers with their kukris. A tentative comparison might be made with the ethnic dress o f the Chester ‘Sarmatian’;23 and, according to Hyginus,24 irregular Dacian units were used in the later second century. The use o ffalces therefore bears consideration. It is certainly unusual for an auxiliary cohors to depict a regimental weapon or badge in sculpture."

Coulston's entire article may be accessed through the following link.  I have also posted it here entire as jpegs.

The question I'm asking myself is this: if Banna is the fort of Uther Pendragon, father of Arthur, could the Sword in the Stone story at least partly derive not from a sword in a stone, but a sword on a stone?  This idea may seem simplistic and silly.  But folklore, oral tradition and romance literature are strange beasts  They can combine to form all sorts of marvelously imaginative inventions whose origins are quite humble and even prosaic. Could a sword on a stone have been construed at some point, perhaps through a garbling of language or a faulty translation, as a sword in a stone?  We would say, in fact, that it was a sword carved in stone.

In two examples from Birdoswald, the falx is accompanied by a palm branch, a well-known symbol of victory in the Roman world (see https://www.jstor.org/stable/261788?seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents).

One thing I can say after doing extensive research on the Dacian falx: it was a truly powerful weapon - especially the larger, two-handed variety.  If the followers of Uther and Arthur continued to use such an effective "chopping/lopping" sword, we can well understand how they might have been feared by their enemies for this very reason.

I have elsewhere wondered about a connection between the falx and Arthur's sword Caledfwlch (https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2019/02/arthurs-sword-caledfwlch-and-dacian-falx.html).




 


Cohors I Aelia Dacorum milliaria (from Paul A. Holder)

Dacian Warrior with a Falx

For those of my readers who would like to learn a bit more about the Dacian garrison at Banna/Birdoswald, see pp. 255-258 in this study by Paul A. Holder:

http://www.uni-koeln.de/phil-fak/ifa/zpe/downloads/1998/122pdf/122253.pdf


REPOST OF UTHER PENDRAGON/GORLASSAR AND THE DRAGON-STAR

I'm reposting this piece with slight revisions (mostly added supportive material from Dr. Simon Rodway, Welsh expert at The University of Wales).  My final reading of the key section of the Uther elegy poem does not allow for the name Sawyl being found in the text.  And this fact negates, quite definitively, I feel, my earlier attempt to identify the 'Terrible Chief-dragon/warrior' with Sawyl of Ribchester.  At the same time, the following translation explains where Geoffrey of Monmouth got his ideas for Uther's transformation into Gorlois and Uther's dragon-star.  

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2019/02/uther-pendragongorlassar-and-dragon-star.html


I have finished treating exhaustively of the first portion of the Elegy of Uther Pendragon (MARWNAT VTHYR PEN).  The results are rather surprising, I think.  Before I begin discussing my new reading for a couple key lines of the poem, here are editor Marged Haycock’s notes on the two most important, but very troublesome lines in the relevant section:

6 a’m rithwy am dwy pen kawell G emends am dwy > an Dwy(w) ‘our Lord’,
understood as the subject of 3sg. subjunct. rithwy ‘transform’ etc., but yn adwy
‘in the breach’ or yn ardwy ‘as a defence’ would give a more regular three
syllables in the central section. Kawell ‘basket, pannier; cradle; fish-trap; creel,
cage; quiver; belly, breast’ (GPC) seems unlikely, as do cowyll ‘maidenhood-fee;
clothing, covering’ (with G s.v. coŵyll), sawell ‘chimney, kiln’ (see on §4.246),
or nawell ‘nine times better’. Cannwyll is sometimes a rhyme partner for tywyll
(e.g. AP line 88 cannwyll yn tywyll; CC 18.13; R1056.15), and would yield full
rhyme. ‘May our Lord, the guiding/chief light, transform me’ is a possibility; or
(with yn adwy) ‘May the guiding/chief light (i.e. God) transform me in the
breach’. Or is pen kawell a basket to collect up the heads he cuts off (line 18)? If
Uthr is the speaker, is vb rithaw to be connected with his transformation through
disguise (see introduction)? Obscure.

7 eil kawyl yn ardu G emends kawyl > Sawyl, the personal name (from Samuelis
via *Safwyl). Sawyl Ben Uchel is named with Pasgen and Rhun as one of the
Three Arrogant Men, Triad 23, as a combative tyrant in Vita Cadoci (VSB 58);
and in CO 344-5. Samuil Pennissel in genealogies, EWGT 12 (later Benuchel),
Irish sources, and in Geoffrey of Monmouth. Other Sawyls include a son of
Llywarch, and the saint commemorated in Llansawel: see further TYP3 496,
WCD 581 and CO 104. Ardu ‘darkness, gloom; dark, dreadful (GPC), sometimes
collocated with afyrdwl ‘sad; sadness’ (see G, GPC).

And the lines under consideration follow…

Neu vi luossawc yn trydar:
It is I who commands hosts in battle:

ny pheidwn rwg deu lu heb wyar.
I’d not give up between two forces without bloodshed.

Neu vi a elwir gorlassar:
It’s I who’s styled ‘Armed in Blue’:

vy gwrys bu enuys y’m hescar.
my ferocity snared my enemy.

5 Neu vi tywyssawc yn tywyll:
It is I who’s a leader in darkness:

a’m rithwy am dwy pen kawell.
. . . . .

Neu vi eil Sawyl5 yn ardu:
It’s I who’s a second Sawyl in the gloom.

ny pheidwn heb wyar rwg deu lu:
I’d not give up without bloodshed [the fight] between two forces.

Kawell of Line 6 is ‘creel, fishing basket.’  No one has been able to make any sense of pen kawell.  I once thought it might be a place-name, but my search for such failed to yield any significant site or notable feature. However, Geoffrey of Monmouth or his source may have guessed the same thing, as he placed Uther’s transformation into Gorlois at the headland of Tintagel.  Welsh pen is frequently used of promontories. A headland of the fish basket is not an unreasonable construction for a place-name. However, we would expect Pen Cored or similar (“Headland of the Fish-Weir”) instead.  A Pen Kawell may have been called such because the headland itself resembled a basket, or because fish-baskets had to be carried up to or over it.  

Taken literally, pen kawell is either ‘basket-head’ (a not very flattering description or nickname!), “chief basket” or “Chief of the Basket.” I once thought this last could be a designation for either Taliesin himself, who transforms from Gwion Bach while inside a hide-covered basket or coracle, or it could be a reference to Gwyddno Garanhair, who not only owned the weir in which Taliesin’s coracle became trapped, but who also possessed a magical mwys, ‘hamper, basket’ (= cawell, according to the GPC).  However, in the Taliesin story the hero is placed not in a cawell, but in either a ‘korwgyl ne vol kroen’, i.e. a coracle or a skin bag. Neither is the same thing as a cawell. 

Fortunately, there is a solution to the problem posed by this line.  Welsh has both cawell and cafell.  These words come from Latin cauella.  Here is cafell in the GPC:

cafell1 

[amr. ar cawell, bnth. Llad. Diw. cauella, cf. cafod, cawod] 

eb. ll. cafellau, cafelloedd.

a  Cysegr, teml, cangell, côr eglwys, cell, siambr:

sanctuary, temple, chancel, choir, cell, chamber.

I suggest that kawell is here a slight error for kafell.  Thus ‘pen kawell’ should be read ‘chief of the sanctuary/temple’, a perfect poetic designation for God.  Dr. Simon Rodway of The University of Wales agrees that the meaning here would better fit cafell than cawell: "As cawell and cafell are phonological variants of the same word, you could easily make a case that they originally had the same semantic range."

Sawyl in Line 7 is an incorrect emendation. Instead, cannwyll works very nicely here, matching “the leader in darkness” of line 5.  Haycock had suggested can(n)wyl(l) for the Pen Kawell line, but just as kawell cannot come from the Welsh word for horse (cafal, ceffyl; information courtesy Dr. Simon Rodway of The University of Wales), nor can it represent cannwyll. Cannwyll can mean both luminary as well as (metaphorically) leader.  Presumably, Uther was a 'second luminary' in the sense that God was the first.  Or he is referring to himself as opposed to the dragon-star itself.

Dr. Simon Rodway has informed me that cawyl could represent an error for cannwyll: "Yes, that’s possible. A copyist might have missed an n-suspension over the a, and single n for double nn is quite common in Middle Welsh MSS."

From the GPC:

cannwyll 

[bnth. Llad. Diw. cantēla < candēla, H. Grn. cantuil, Llyd. C. cantoell, Gwydd. coinneal] 

eb. ll. canhwyllau.

a  Darn silindraidd o wêr neu gŵyr wedi ei weithio o gwmpas pabwyryn ac a ddefnyddir i roi golau, yn dros. am seren, haul, lloer, llusern, lamp, &c.; yn ffig. am oleuni, disgleirdeb, cyfarwyddyd, arweiniad, arweinydd, arwr, y pennaf, y rhagoraf, &c.:

candle, luminary, transf. of star, sun, moon, lamp; fig. of light, brightness, instruction, leader, hero, choicest or best of anything. 

The entire portion of the poem, if I’ve rendered it correctly, should then read as follows:

It is I who commands hosts in battle:
I’d not give up between two forces without bloodshed.
It’s I who’s called the very blue:
my ferocity snared my enemy.
It is I who’s a leader in darkness:
Our God, Chief of the Sanctuary, transforms me.
It’s I who’s like ['eil' here means like/similar to, not 'second'] a star in the gloom:
I’d not give up fighting without bloodshed between two forces.

If I have this right, what – if anything – does it tell us about Uther?

Well, the transformation would appear to be into the luminary in question.  As the word cannwyll can be used of a star, this may be a reference to the dragon-star in Geoffrey of Monmouth, as the latter is said to represent Uther himself.  Of course, it is possible Geoffrey or his source got the idea of the dragon-star from the poem and not vice-versa.

Gorlassar is still mysterious, despite many attempts to divine its true meaning.  With gleaming weapons or armor is the usual explanation.  I had offered also the magical sea-green/blue cloak of the god Manannan mac Lir and the possibility that woad was involved.  Julius Caesar in Book V of his GALLIC WARS says “Omnes vero se Britanni vitro inficiunt, quod caeruleum efficit colorem, atque hoc horridiores sunt in pugna aspect ("All Britons stain themselves with vitrum, which produces a dark blue color, and by this means they are more terrifying to face in battle.").

However, I had reminded my readers that comets (like the dragon-star of Uther) could appear to glow with a greenish-blue light.  The following is excerpted from a past post:

"On his way to the battle, Uther saw a most remarkable spectacle in the skies. There appeared a star of such magnitude and brilliance that it was seen both day and night. The star emitted a single ray of light that created a fiery mass resembling the body and head of a dragon. Shining from the mouth of the dragon came two rays of light. One extended out across the skies of Britain and over Gaul. The other extended out over the Irish Sea culminating in seven lesser beams of light. Such was its magnitude, it could be seen all across Britain and beyond, and filled the people with fear and dread not knowing what it might portend."

Merlin tells the king this about the star:

"For the star, and the fiery dragon under it, signifies yourself, and the ray extending towards the Gallic coast, portends that you shall have a most potent son, to whose power all those kingdoms shall be subject over which the ray reaches. But the other ray signifies a daughter, whose sons and grandsons shall successively enjoy the kingdom of Britain.”

Thus the transformation in the poem refers to Uther's becoming, metaphorically speaking, like a star lighting up the night.  Geoffrey of Monmouth or his source took this motif and ran with it.

Even more importantly, I now can explain why Uther calls himself Gorlassar, the 'very green/blue.'  This has mystified scholars, and I myself have been guilty of making several rather implausible guesses as to its meaning.  Now, though, I would propose that Gorlassar is a description of the color of a comet - which, as it happens, often appear with a distinct bluish-green hue.  Simply put, Uther is referring to himself as a bright blue-green comet lighting up the night sky, a true symbol of a leader of his people.

If there is any truth to the comet story, we may be talking about the comet of 442 A.D.  This “star” appeared at and entered into Ursa Major, the Great Bear.  From Cometography: 1800-1899, by Gary W. Kronk:



In concluding, I really have only one question to ask - and it is an unanswerable one, unfortunately.  While Uther's dragon-head standard is certainly a reflection of the Roman period draco, as the draco came into the Roman army through people such as the Dacians, Thracians and Sarmatians (all present in Britain as troops) might it have symbolically represented a cometary deity or monster belonging to the indigenous religion of these peoples?

I find this in the Wikipedia article on the Dacian draco (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dacian_Draco):

The body of the standard, depicting a dragon-like balaur or a large snake, was seen by the Dacians as a manifestation of the sky demon or "heavenly dragon".[21][22] This relates to their supreme god Zalmoxis who was a sky god (cf. also Tomaschek[23]).[24] In the Hallstatt Period "proper", the decorative pattern of a dragon head or a serpent became quite common in Dacia. The dragon symbol is also represented on the silver Dacian bracelets of the Classical period.[25] The snake-shaped bracelets and other similar ornaments show not only the spread of the snake as a decorative motif but also its significance in Dacian material civilization.[26][27]

NOTE:  The sources cited for this information appear to be quite old and I am not, therefore, convinced of their reliability.  I would urge those who wish to learn more about the mythological applications of the draco to embark upon their own research.  

Tuesday, February 19, 2019

AELIUS DRACO THE DACIAN AND THE BANNA/BIRDOSWALD ROMAN FORT OF UTHER PENDRAGON

NOTE: Since publishing this piece, I have had the following response on the matter from Professor Roger Tomlin:

"I don't really have anything to add to my original publication of the bowl in Britannia 35 (2004). I cite the imperial freedman Aelius Draco there. He would be an important bureaucrat, but Rome-based and unlikely to visit Hadrian's Wall, then commission the Pan and lose it in Staffordshire. Also, as you know, he is 'Antonine', so rather late for the building of the Wall.

The Pan is published by the British Museum on their site (Inv. no. 2005, 1204.1) – britishmuseum.org/collection/object/H_2005-1204-1 – which cites the full publication and discussion by Flügel and Breeze. I don't have this – I only read a draft of it – but they argue that Aelius Draco was a military surveyor, hence the emphasis on rigore.

As I say in my Britannia entry, the name 'Aelius Draco' might well identify an auxiliary soldier called Draco who served on Hadrian's Wall, of which he commissioned a souvenir after being discharged as a veteran in the reign of Hadrian. You can go further if you like, and argue that the name Draco is exclusively Dacian, and thus that he served in the cohors I Dacorum. Since the name is quite widespread, and other people used the draco, I am not entirely happy with this idea. But it is quite possible."


Ilam or Staffordshire Moorlands Pan

A few weeks ago I posted an article about the 'aeli draconis' found on a Roman bronze bowl called the Ilam or Staffordshire Moorlands Pan (see https://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=1577008&partId=1).  I had pointed out what to me appeared to be a remarkable coincidence.  For this name- Aelius Draco - was found in place of the Banna listed on both the Amiens Patera and the Rudge Cup.  As Banna was garrisoned by the Aelian Dacians, who sported the draco standard and were the only Aelian regiment serving on the Wall, it seemed to me that the presence of this "Dragon" at Banna might have some bearing on Arthur's father, Uther Pendragon.  Unfortunately, at the time I had not gathered sufficient supporting material to make a really strong case.  As a result, I pulled the piece and embarked on additional research in order to prepare it for republishing at an unknown future date.  

Having since engaged in extensive correspondence with Dr. Mark Hassall, a noted expert on things Roman, I'm happy to say that I'm able to put this post forward once again - secure in the knowledge that it can stand up to scholarly scrutiny. I had initially contacted Dr. Hassall because he is listed as co-author of the following study on the Ilam Pan: http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/35459/1/4128635.pdf (pp. 344-45, including the lengthy notes). This article is taken from Britannia Vol 35 92004 and, according to Dr. Hassall, was actually written entirely by Professor Roger Tomlin, perhaps the world's top Roman epigrapher. 

The conventional view, as expressed by Tomlin, is that either 1) ael is for Aelian, and is meant to be connected with the previous word, vallum, giving an otherwise unattested 'Aelian Wall' for what we routinely refer to as Hadrian's Wall or 2) ael is for Aelius, and is part of the fuller personal name-form Aelius Draco.  In support of the first idea is the presence of Pons Aelius, a fort at the eastern end of the Wall.  However, No. 2 is thought to be the more likely reading for this portion of the bowl's inscription.

Without my prompting, and merely out of his own curiosity and desire to help me in my own efforts, Dr. Hassall set about actually trying to identify a known Aelius Draco who fits the bill.  And he succeeded in locating an excellent candidate.  I am pasting below his discussion regarding this man, and will follow that with a statement by his esteemed colleague, Dr. John Nandris, who agrees with Hassall's assessment.

"I agree that it is interesting that Dracones - dragons - are a Dacian symbol (and as such appear on the Column of Trajan - the emperor who preceded Hadrian and defeated the Dacians) ,  and it is an interesting coincidence that there was a unit of Dacians  stationed at Banna.  Perhaps it is not after all a coincidence!  Even if as an imperial freedman Aelius Draco lived under Antoninus Pius, it is possible that he originated as a man called Draco in Dacia - perhaps a nickname  - where he was a slave and that he retained this name as his cognomen - Draco - when made free by Antoninus Pius. As an imperial slave he could have come to Britain under Hadrian in the company of the Dacian auxiliaries - all themselves free men -  But what was he himself or his master doing on Hadrian's Wall? Could Draco or his master have been a military surveyor?  And does the phrase rigore Valli Aeli(i) Draconis refer to a survey of forts at the west end of the wall?

Yesterday I went into the Institute of Classical Studies Library to check one or two things raised by your interesting arguments. Basically I still think Aelius Draco was the name of a  person. Roman citizens as you are no doubt aware, regularly had three names  as for example Gaius Julius Caesar where Gaius is the praenomen or forename, Julius is the nomen or family name /surname, and Caesar is the cognomen, or additional given name. In the case of Aelius Draco the prenomen has been omitted - not unusual. Aelius is the nomen and was the nomen of the emperor Hadrian's family  from whom on this interpretation, Draco or an ancestor received Roman Citizenship, and Draco is the cognomen, so there are no problems about Aelius Draco being the name of the man who had commissioned the construction of the vessel and was its owner - especially as the names are in the genitive case. But could Aelius Draco rather be the name of a place as you suggest? Here as again you are no doubt aware, one thinks of the Roman name of Pons Aelius, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 'the Bridge (Pons) of Aelius (=Hadrian). Draco would then be the equivalent of Pons. But why Draco?   I take your point abut there possible being a Dacian connection for Banna - the name for the fort where Cohors I Aelia (!)  Dacorum was in garrison,  but it still seems odd - unless there was a giant statue of a Dacian Dragon there!!!  Doesn't seem likely, and IF it were a place name the equivalent of Banna, why in the genitive when the other place name are all in the nominative?

So much for this but I thought I would also investigate a little about Draco, the name itself. You point out that the name Draco is rare in the western Roman provinces but is found in Italy, Greece Africa and the Balkans.  This is not in itself a probIem because Aelius Draco could have come from outside Britain and either been stationed on Hadian's Wall or visited it.  thought I would look at the examples of the name from Rome in Vol VI of the Corpus of Latin Inscriptions  (CIL = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.) There I found to my amazement an actual example of the name Aelius Draco!!! - though of course there could be other examples  of the two names together from elsewhere, so this Aelius Draco doesn't have to be the same as the one on the Staffordshire pan, though I personally think it quite likely! The inscription which mentions him was found 'in aedibus Antonini Phrygepani, regione Capitolini - 'in the residence on Antonino Phrygepani (=Frangipani)  in the ares of the Capitol'.

CIL  VI,  part 3 20505                           D  M
                                                     IVLIAE   HELPIDI
                                                   CONIVGI BM FECIT
                                              T. AELIV AVG LIB DRACO                                                    
                                                      ET SIBI ET SVIS
                                                   POSTERIS EORVM

D(is) (Manibus)  Iuliae Helpidi coniugi bene merenti fecit, T(itus) Aeliu(s), Augusti Lib(ertus), Draco et sibi et suis posteris eorum

'To the spirits of the departed of Julia Elpis, well deserving wife, Titus Aelius Draco, freedman of the emperor made this, and for himself  and for their posterity'

Incidentally if he was an actual freedman of Hadrian and got Roman citizenship from him, this would date the vessel to the reign of that emperor - or in theory that of his successor but Hadrian's Wall - or part of it - is  unlikely to have been commemorated on souvenirs after the move to the Antonine Wall.   

If this Aelius Draco is our man what was doing up on Hadrian's Wall? Perhaps acting as some sort of military bureaucrat? And how come that his souvenir ended up in Staffordshire and didn't return to Rome with him?

I realise I made a slip in the email I sent. At the very end I wrote that Ti(tus) Aelius Draco received Roman  citizenship either from the Emperor Hadrian or his successor - Antoninus Pius. In fact it has to be Antoninus Pius because the praenomen of Draco was Ti(tus). The praenomen of Hadrian was P(ublius), and the imperial freedman Draco will have used the praenomen of the emperor from whom he received  Roman Citizenship. The praenomen of Antoninus Pius was Ti(tus) and he was emperor from 138-161.

One thing I can agree on: he may well have been - probably was - a Dacian." [Emphasis mine.]

The following was published in THE TELEGRAPH on 3 October 2003 and was written by Dr. John Nandris:

"I have not handled the fine second-century AD enamelled bronze bowl shown in your report of Oct 1, but it is most unlikely that its owner, Aelius Draco, was a Greek. His Latin name, the link to service on Hadrian's Wall, the date of the bowl and the Celtic style of its decoration all suggest that he was a Dacian. [Again, emphasis mine.]

After the conquest of Dacia by Trajan (103-106), many Dacians served with distinction in the Roman legions on the Wall. Their admiration for Roman culture helped to transmit late provincial Latin into today's Romanian language. Dacians had been in close symbiotic contact with Celts since the fourth century BC, while "Draco" is an allusion to the Dacian battle standard." 

So, what we appear to have here is a Dacian, operating out of Banna, where a Dacian garrison was stationed, who was given the name Draco because of the special significance that monster had for the Dacians in general, and the Dacians at Banna in particular.  

We need only postulate, not at all unrealistically or implausibly, that the dragon and what it represented - both as a Dacian religious/mythological symbol and a Roman battle standard - continued to hold power for the inhabitants of the Banna fort into the sub-Roman period.  This would allow us, ultimately, to trace Uther Pendragon to this military station on the Wall.  I've suggested before that Pendragon may be a literal translation into Welsh of the late Roman military rank of magister draconum.  While this remains possible, and is highly attractive, we could just as easily opt for 'Chief Dragon' as simply an honorific for the leader of the sub-Roman martial elite at Banna.

It was from this Dragon that the famous Dark Age Arthur sprung.  His name, a Roman decknamen, was chosen because Artorius, made famous by the 2nd century dux of York, was likened to the *Arto-/"Bear" name of the river upon which Banna (and Camboglanna) sat.  I've not yet decided where Arthur's power center may have lain.  It could have been one of these two forts in the Irthing Valley or, as I've argued before, at Uxellodunum/Stanwix, the largest cavalry fort in Britain and the command center of the Wall.  Relatively late tradition records an 'Arthur's Burg' at Stanwix (actually, adjoining Etterby, which has no fort or camp).  And given that Pedr/Petrus of Dyfed named a son Arthur, it is tempting to say he did so because the garrison of Stanwix was the Ala Petriana.  The NOTITIA DIGNITATUM calls Uxellodunum "Petrianis".  This has been assumed to be an error, but it may also be a nickname for the fort.  In any case, Stanwix is roughly equidistant between the Irthing Valley, the Carwinley of Gwenddolau and the Aballava/Avalana/"Avalon" Roman fort at Burgh-By-Sands.  My candidate for the Northern Arthur is Ceidio son of Arthwys ('man of the Arth', an eponym for the River Irthing), father of Gwenddolau. Ceidio's hypocoristic name almost certainly originally meant 'Battle-leader', a Cumbric version of the dux bellorum title used to describe Arthur in the HISTORIA BRITTONUM.  So if Ceidio = Arthur, his ruling center should probably be sought at Uxellodunum.  

Dacian or Sarmatian rider with draco from Deva Victrix. In display at Grosvenor Museum.
Photo Courtesy Wikipedia.

NOTE:  In Geoffrey of Monmouth, Uther places one of his dragon standard's in Winchester, the Roman period Venta Belgarum.  I would suggest this might be a reflection of BannaVENTA Bernia, a designation for the Banna Roman fort of the Dacians on Hadrian's Wall.