Wednesday, February 27, 2019

A Recent Survey of the Camboglanna/Camlann Roman Fort at Castlesteads


From http://www.academia.edu/820052/Biggins_J._A_and_Taylor_D._J._A._2007_The_Roman_Fort_at_Castlesteads_Cumbria_A_Geophysical_Survey_of_the_Vicus_Trans._C._and_W._Soc._VII_15-30:

Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria

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The Roman Fort at Castlesteads
A geophysical Survey of the Vicus
by
J. Alan Biggins and David J. A. Taylor
February 2007
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
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The Roman Fort at Castlesteads, Cumbria: a Geophysical Survey of the Vicus
by
J. Alan Biggins and David J. A. Taylor
1. Introduction
The Roman fort at Castlesteads (Camboglanna), is positioned between the Wall forts of
Birdoswald and Stanwix, and sited on an escarpment above the Cam Beck. The fort is
unusual in that, although it is classified as a Hadrianic Wall fort, it is not built on the line of
the Wall but is positioned some 400 metres to the south. The easier line, which the Wall now
follows, was probably taken in preference to the direct line between Milecastles 56 and 58,
which would pass through the fort. One explanation why this route may have been taken was
to avoid constructing the Turf Wall across the Cam Beck and up a steep escarpment to the
east.
Details about the fort itself are meagre as it was largely destroyed in 1791 when the
present house was built, and walled gardens laid out over the site of the fort, although
Hutchinson (1794) in his County History of Cumberland recorded some details of the fort.
Castlesteads is thought to have been occupied during the Hadrianic period by a cohors
quingenaria peditata (Breeze and Dobson 2000, 54).
An excavation by Richmond and Hodgson (1934, 159-165) attempted to establish if
any trace of the fort remained after its destruction. Some evidence of gates towards the east
and west of the fort, together with the curtain wall was identified with a 4.8m wide ditch and a
berm 3m wide, although little was seen within the intra-mural area itself. Significantly, it was
estimated that some 100 feet (c. 30 m) of the fort had fallen into the Cam Beck. Due to the
siting of the fort, with the north gate overlooking the steep escarpment above Cam Beck, it is
likely that the porta praetoria faced east instead of the more usual northern aspect, facing the
main gate. This would mean that the fort was similar in general layout to the east-facing fort
of Housesteads.
The excavators found evidence of a rampart and ditch from an earlier turf and timber
fort set on a different alignment to the later stone fort (ibid., 163-5). Trenching at the south
east angle revealed the remains of a turf rampart, at least 3m wide, resting on flagging and
stones set in clay to the rear of the Stone Wall. This rampart base is probably the remains of
the earlier turf and timber fort. An east facing scarp, 0.4m high, parallel to the east rampart
was discovered during a survey by the Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of
England in 1991. Richmond and Hodgson also pointed out that the later stone fort was not set
out centrally within the diversion of the Vallum to the south but asymmetrical to it; a point
made earlier by Collingwood (1922, 202). Collingswood’s explanation for this irregularity
was that the fort could have had an annex built on to the east. Richmond and Hodgson
suggest that this inconsistent construction was possibly due to an earlier fort being set further
to the east with a north-east orientation, which would have then been symmetrical with the
Vallum diversion. This is a certainly a possible explanation and reflects a similar relationship
between the Vallum and the stone fort at Birdoswald (Wilmott 1997, 44-5).
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
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An external bath-house to the north-east of the fort was located and partly excavated in
1740, although the exact position and plan is not known. The Vallum survives as a buried
feature throughout this section with no remains visible above ground. Its route has been
confirmed by Haverfield who cut trenches in 1898, 1901 and 1902 to determine its course.
The vicus, which is usually associated with Roman forts, is not now visible, except
in places where it is seen as very shallow platforms. However, a letter from Richard Goodman
writing to Samuel Gale in 1727 mentions traces of an extensive settlement on the slope
towards the south east of the fort. He noted the existence of foundations of walls and streets,
which were being removed to construct new buildings and to allow the land to be ploughed.
A temple outside the Castlesteads fort to the south-east, which had ‘fallen in through age’ was
repaired by a centurion, Gaius Julius Cupitianus, and dedicated to ‘the Mother goddesses of
all nations’ ([Deabu]s| [Mat]ribu[s]| omnium | gentium | templum | olim uetus | tate
conlab|sum G(aius) Iul(ius) Cu/pitianus | (centurion) | p(rae)p(ositus) restituit); (RIB 1988).
The high quality of the geophysical survey data almost certainly reflects the absence of
recent sustained deep ploughing over the site. It is possible that the apparent absence of subsurface
features to the south of the survey may indicate greater destruction by ploughing than
those to the north; this could be reflected in the level of occupational debris present on the
surface of that part of the site. Conversely, taphonomic processes downslope may have
preserved deeper levels by colluviation. Many large stones can be seen on or just below the
surface over the area of the settlement. Also, extensive surface collections of pottery, brick
and tile were seen in stubble after the field had been laid out to arable cultivation in 2001.
2. Methodology
On this site, magnetic survey was the preferred method, which was carried out in three phases
in 1999, 2000 and 2001 during periods of variable weather. The site of the fort is set within
woodland and the area surveyed (17.9ha in total), is located to the south of the field boundary
dividing the woodland from open pasture. Geoscan FM36 fluxgate gradiometers were used to
carry out a magnetometry survey employing 1.0 m parallel traverses with 0.5 m sample
intervals. The 30 metre grids were set out approximately parallel with the south-east curtain
wall of the fort using a Leica TC 403L EDM, and these grids and other relevant mapping
features were recorded.
The data was processed using Geoplot software (Geoscan Instruments) and the data
presented as a grey scale plot superimposed upon The first edition Ordnance Survey base map
of 1856 (figure 1). This figure shows the relationship of the vicus with a less developed
landscape. One point of note shows that the surveyors of the day indicated the location of the
Vallum as some 500m north of its currently known position, which is probably a point worthy
of further investigation. The magnetic grey scale plot was used to produce an anomaly plan,
which, as is usual, produced a palimpsest of superimposed subterranean responses (figure 3).
A number of hypothetical features, including the fort and bathhouse have been incorporated
on the map, which give both a sense of scale and place the survey in a spatial context. In
order to clarify the very complex central portion of the survey area around the vicus an
additional larger scale anomaly plan has been included (figure 4). Neither can generally be
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
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depicted as an interpretative plan, because of the complexity of superimposed features.
However, the outline of the individual fields and their associated road and track systems were
plotted as a CAD image, from the primary geophysical survey data (figure 5). Metric units of
length and the field areas (in m²) were determined from this data.
3. Interpretation
A double-ditched major road (1), up to 11m in width, approaches the fort and vicus from the
south-east. This road continues as a single-ditched road towards the junction in the northwest.
The road can be seen as a raised linear feature, approximately 500-600mm in height
above the surrounding ground level. At its south-eastern end the agger is double ditched, with
an intervening strip or pathway some 2.5 to 3.0m in width. A ditched enclosure is sited to the
north of the road (2), which it is suggested could be a cremation cemetery (maximum
dimensions; 64m by 49m; 0.23ha). This interpretation was made based upon the morphology
of the magnetic anomalies, some of which are circular, whilst another resembles a circular
ditch within a 10m square stone surround or kerb. The siting of a cemetery is typical, being
located by the side of a major road leading to a deliberate constriction, adjacent to which a
circular positive anomaly may indicate a roadside well or shrine (3).
This road curves to the north at its junction with a second major road (4) running
approximately north-south and extending beyond the limit of the survey. At the mid-point in
the survey it passes through the vicus where it diverges forming several minor roads. The
magnetic anomalies indicate that the roads to the north of the easterly road may not be
metalled. The road leading south from the Vallum crossing (5), continuing in a straight line to
the outer ditch, is on a different alignment to the major road leading south-west (4) away
from the fort. This latter road is on a direct alignment with the Stanegate fort of Old Church,
Brampton. One of these roads (5) crosses the Vallum (6) and leads to the fort. Several roads
branch from the major road (4) most of which run in south-easterly direction south of the
vicus.
The line of the Vallum (6), together with its crossing, is clearly defined to the southwest
of the survey area, although the angle in the change of direction is not as great as that
previously published (Daniels 1978, 227). The strength of the magnetic response suggests
that the Vallum was left open for a considerable period, perhaps for the greater part of the life
of the fort. These strong positive readings indicate the presence of anthropogenically modified
organic deposits resulting from the gradual infilling of the ditch, possibly creating anaerobic
conditions, and by implication, the potential preservation of organic material. Some evidence
of buildings can be seen within the Vallum enclosure, although the limit of the survey denies
interpretation. Similar buildings have been identified in this position at the fort of Halton
Chesters (Taylor et al, 2000).
Close to the point where the two roads meet, some 40m from the Vallum, is a strong dipolar
anomaly (7); this is thought to be of later origin due to its location and morphology and could
indicate the site of a kiln. This feature is close to the position where the road crosses a
substantial ditch (8), which was intersected at an angle to the south of the Vallum. The ditch
returns to the north-west and north-east where it closely follows the line of the Vallum and
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
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can be seen to cut several features relating to field boundaries. It is probable that all the roads
crossing this ditch have been cut with the exception of the Vallum crossing. A building,
possibly of stone, which may be associated with a channel or wall, has been built at the
conjunction of three of the ditches to the south-west (9).
The purpose of the ditch outside the Vallum can only be conjectural. Its line however,
does mirror that of the Vallum and it is possibly an earlier cut of the ditch that was later
abandoned. It is significant that the line of the road from the Vallum crossing to the south
deliberately skirts its southern lip, suggesting an earlier date. Alternatively, the ditch may
have enclosed an annex to the fort, as previously suggested by Collingwood (1922, 22); it is
noteworthy that the space between the two ditches does enclose several substantial buildings,
all probably built of stone. A group of four substantial stone buildings (10) can be seen to the
south-west of the road leading from the Vallum crossing. The larger of these buildings is c. 8
m square and is subdivided.
Henry MacLaughlan’s map of the fort, designated by him as Petriana, clearly indicates
that there is a watercourse some 120 m to the east of the fort running north-west to south-east.
The watercourse is shown to cease on the line of the present northern field boundary, and
would appear to be culverted from that point. This watercourse was detected as a slight linear
anomaly by the magnetometry survey, but can be seen to clearly divide the fort and major
settlement to the west from the Romano-British design of field system to the east (15).
Implicitly, it may indicate that it might well be culverted with a stone channel, moreover it
may still be functional, i.e. water-logging and associated anaerobic conditions are not evident
along its route. However, the path of the watercourse can still be observed as a substantial
surface depression, running roughly parallel to the remains of a relict field boundary, which is
also indicated on MacLaughlan’s map as a tree line leading to a permanent spring.
Several ‘lanes’ have been identified, which can be seen to run between the blocks of
property within the settlement to the south of the Vallum, leading to the open land to the rear.
One such ‘lane’ (11) to the east of the settlement passes through a right angle, around a site
boundary, before proceeding in a north easterly direction possibly passing to the south of the
field systems to the east of the watercourse. A lesser road (12), some 20m to the south and
running east crosses the watercourse leading directly to a series of small enclosures to the
south of the field system. A small building of uncertain function can be seen in one of these
fields.
An area free from buildings can be seen to the south of the outer ditch (13), which is
bounded by a ditch to the north and buildings to the other three sides. The main road from the
west enters this open space towards the north-west, with additional roads leading off to the
south and south-east. It is possible that open space was created to form a small market place
or some similar focus for the community. A number of small circular and square (c. 2m)
strongly positive anomalies are contained within this area. It is entirely possible that they will
indicate the location of wells. A narrow linear negative anomaly (possibly of stone) can be
seen to traverse this area from the direction of Castlesteads house and continue towards the
stream bed. This, perhaps arbitrarily, is not indicated as it may be a relatively modern ceramic
pipe, which appears to cut features identified as Roman.
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
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The road leading to the north-east (4) can clearly be identified as far as the occupation
road running approximately north-west to south-east. Beyond the occupation road line, its
course has been ploughed out and only traces remain of its sinuous route. The lack of
formality of this length of road, in that it does not reflect the perceived Roman preference for
a direct, straight line as seen to the south, could suggest a pre-Roman inception. It is probable
that a branch leading off this road to the south of the occupation road (14) could connect with
the road leading from the east gate, the possible porta praetoria.
Located to the south of the fort is the vicus with roads and buildings set at right angles
to the main thoroughfares. In the northern sector is a field system of more than one phase, set
out to either side of the major road (4) running north-east. Significantly, the alignment of the
former boundaries is similar, implying a change in land ownership or tenure rather than
modifications in crop or husbandry management. These fields continue to the east of the
occupation road, but have largely been ploughed out. The broad impression is that the
secondary field boundaries north of the major road enclose larger plots than during the
primary phase. Almost all of the fields have entrances in a corner; this would imply that they
were all used for animal husbandry at some time, even if it was just for manuring or security.
Understandably, it is easier to herd animals through a field boundary, which is emplaced in the
corner (Pryor 1998, 101, 103, 121). In other words, if the entrance to an enclosure is central,
the assumption is that it is not intended to be used for stock.
Several possible roundhouses can be provisionally identified over the site (16), which
do not appear to have defensive enclosures, but these could be masked by later activity. One
close to the west bank of the watercourse, associated with the primary field system, is cut by a
later boundary. Suggestions of further roundhouses can be seen close to this. Several pits
can be seen over the survey area, although it is possible that those lying adjacent to the
watercourse could be wells (17); the percolation of the water through the ground was thought
to have offered some form of natural filtration (Johnson 1983; Hodge 1995, 71). In total,
there could be as many as 16 wells, most of them giving a magnetic response some 2-3m in
size and are either square or rectangular, although the excavated size could be smaller (see
Johnson 1983, 205, fig. 156). Wells could also be associated with individual buildings or
plots, but in that instance, they could equally be interpreted as refuse or latrine pits.
The boundaries to the settlement to the south-east of the vicus are complex. However,
many of the boundaries appear to be arranged on a similar alignment to those to the east. It is
clear that many of the southerly field boundaries may have been affected by ploughing, and
their southern limit is not now known, although additional survey to the south-east may be
productive in some areas. To the south of the settlement, however, the field boundaries are
aligned to the major road systems (1 & 4). These can be seen to overlie an earlier field system
similar to that found in the northern sector of the settlement. The fields generally are larger
and many contain buildings; some of the larger ones almost certainly used for livestock.
A curved linear feature to the west of the road on the south-west of the survey area
could suggest the line of a ditch to an earlier fort (18). However, if the major road from the
south-east (1) were centred on its length it would suggest a fort with its longest dimension of
c. 220m, which would make it the largest fort on the Wall. This is an area where further
investigation is required in order to validate any interpretation. What should be noted is that
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
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there is no valid or obvious reason, such as the topography, which dictates that a major road to
the fort should be offset by some 350m.
At the edge of the survey area to the north, evidence can be seen of the Vallum (5) and
a crossing (19), seen as a mix of positive and negative anomalies. This mixture of anomalies
represents both the ditch and the upcast from it. There is some slight evidence, in the form of
a diffuse negative linear area, north of the Vallum crossing of a possible area of metalling,
possibly indicating a road surface.
4. Discussion
This survey has given some insight into the arrangement of the vicus to a fort about which less
is probably known than any other Wall fort. The survey shows that the vicus is set out to the
west of a watercourse and that this feature dictated the eastern extent of most of the
settlement. Romano-British field systems were apparently largely unaffected by building and
could reflect the importance of an existing source of supply to the Roman army. The annona,
an important component of the military diet was almost certainly levied on the frontier. For
example, depopulation on the Eastern Frontier at Dobrudja on the Pontic Shore, meant that
after pacification, the military was forced to draft in farming families from Roman Thrace to
resolve their problem with wheat supply (Williams 1996, 62). The vicus itself is made up of a
loose group of buildings, which has spread out from the Vallum crossing. Its full extent is not
known, as buildings could be present within the woodland to the west of the survey area.
The contrasting character of the fields to either side of the watercourse (15) can clearly
be seen on figure 5, which shows the simplified layout of the field boundaries, road and ditch
systems in bold line, whilst omitting other complicating features. It is significant that the
ditch system connected with the fields, particularly in the east, have a large span and depth
(implied from the strength of the magnetic response). The fact that the ditches follow the
contours indicates that they were not used for drainage purposes alone, and it would seem that
their main purpose would have been to prevent cattle and other animals entering the cultivated
areas or hayfields, or alternatively to protect them. A very similar system was seen within the
field system at Maryport (Biggins and Taylor 2004b; compare figs. 5.2 & 5.6, 105 & 110),
where gentle drainage along the contours probably prevented erosion.
The character of the enclosures to either side of the watercourse differs to quite a
marked degree. Those to the east are made up of a series of small linked enclosures, which
are typical of Romano-British field systems and entrances to these fields from the road are
evident. Those to the west, overlying an earlier phase of much smaller enclosures, are larger
in size. Some of these latter enclosures probably contain buildings, whilst it is suggested that
others could be for the containment of stock. Some indication of a primary field system was
seen in the angle where the road from the southeast joins the road running northeast. The
roads are quite clearly set out either side of the main road entering the fort and are
contemporary with the vicus. It would seem that a field was set out to each side of the roads
entering the fort, being accessible from these roads. The field boundaries running from the
road are set at a right angle to the inner boundary. The fields behind these would appear to
have been accessed from the roads running out from the vicus itself.
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
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Further examination of this field system to the east of the watercourse shows that the
earlier fields were considerably smaller than the later phase. It is also clear that the minor
road running north-west (14) is later as it cuts earlier field boundaries, whilst it is almost
certain the main north-easterly road (4) continued to be used concurrently. The size of the
fields falls mainly within the approximate areas of 600 -700m². This is about half of an actus
quadratus (c. 1260m²), and although difficult to prove at this remove in time, may have been a
standard allocation, even if they were farmed or managed by an indigenous population. A tidy
Roman mind might have been responsible for basic survey and subsequent allocation. It
should not be forgotten that a governor of Britain, Sextus Julius Frontinus (c. 74-78), who
later wrote about survey, could have had a particular interest in it, and was possibly even a
land commissioner (Dilke 1980, 41; Campbell 2000, xxvii-xxxi). It is also significant that
Frontinus stressed the importance of straight lines and right angles in land measurement,
features which are evident in the southern field boundaries (Campbell 2000, 13).
The earlier field system to the west of the watercourse can be seen to extend under the
vicus and to the southern edge of the survey area. It is probable that it extended up to the
limits of the classified road, although the archaeological evidence has been either destroyed by
ploughing, or in an ideal world covered by colluvium. The difference in character to those to
the east implies either a different use or different tenants, who were possibly members of the
indigenous population. The plot divisions to the east of the road leading south (4) suggest the
character of the later burgage plots of the medieval period and retention of an existing
successful agricultural regime. In many cases, buildings can be seen within their boundaries.
The regularity of many of the field boundaries suggests that the boundaries were set out to a
predetermined layout and are not the result of arbitrary division.
Although it is apparent that the fields have been laid out in a regular pattern, it is
possibly subjective to try to relate the field dimensions to a unit of measure. Some evidence
of the use of the pes Drusianus in military buildings on the Wall and elsewhere has been
identified (Taylor 2000, 41-42). Due to the small difference between the dimensions of a pes
Monetalis and the pes Drusianus (296 mm and 333mm; Duncan Jones 1980, 85-98)
comparison can be subjective and special pleading could be suggested for his hypothesis.
This is due to the possible inaccuracy of any measuring device and the ability of the surveyor
when setting out the boundaries. However, rather than concentrating upon units of length, the
issue of area should perhaps be considered. The area of many of these plots falls within three
approximate ranges; 650m², 1250m² and 2500m² (respectively circa 0.5, 1 and 2 actus
quadratus). The semi-actus quadratus may even have been an accepted sub-division of land
allocations, where good agricultural land was at a premium. It is also significant that many of
the fields fall within the areas 1222m2 and 1276m2, and several of the larger fields are almost
double the size of these stated areas.
It could be noteworthy that the width of the fields A and B measure approximately 150
and 500 pes Drusianus respectively (see figure 4). The size of the plots east of the
watercourse, in many cases, falls between 500 - 600m². One factor, which cannot be
determined, and was proscribed by Roman access law, was the width of access roads or paths
to a neighbour’s property. This law, the Lex Mamilia, attributed to Julius Caesar, guarantees a
width of a minimum of five feet leading to a neighbour’s property (Dilke 1971, 104-5).
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
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Presumably, this allocation was in force even or especially on frontier settlements and was
removed from the tenant’s or occupier’s land allocation. The problem today is in determining
which plot holder (and hence the field or enclosure) was the responsibility of which
landowner or tenant. It follows that an individual’s land allocation may appear smaller and not
fall within the accepted surveyor’s range, either in terms of length or area. However, it is
generally accepted that each piece of land allows the boundary to stretch to a width of two and
a half feet (Campbell 2000, 23-5).
The late prehistoric period saw an expansion of agricultural settlement into the
uplands, and extensive clearing of woodland has been dated to the first decade of the first
century AD (Woodside and Crow 1999, 30). Evidence of cultivation and field systems can be
seen beneath most of the forts per lineam valli, and Roman field systems have been identified
at Housesteads (ibid., 33). It is apparent that much of the land on the line of the Wall was
being cultivated prior to its construction (Bidwell and Watson 1996, 8-17; Bennett 1998, 19).
The Romans would have found on their arrival well-established arable cultivation almost
certainly growing higher yielding spelt wheat (predominant in the North; van der Veen and
Palmer 1997, 163 -182) and barley (Huntley 1999, 49-64). Both wheat for men and barley for
animals were staples which could be requisitioned from the civilian population under a system
known as frumentum emptum (Rickman 1971 271), not necessarily at disadvantageous terms.
When the forts on the Stanegate frontier, between Carlisle and Corbridge, were built it is
possible that new Romano-British settlements were established attracted by the presence of
the Roman army. Conversely, those settlements displaced by the Roman army, during the
construction of the defensive works associated with the Hadrianic frontier, would have had to
be resettled in a location dictated by the army. A further layer of dependency on the forts
could have been created, with these settlements providing foodstuffs for the vici and the forts.
Examples of forts in a close juxtaposition with field systems are known at Old
Carlisle and on the Antonine wall at Bar Hill and Carriden (Keppie et al 1995, 602-6).
However, some authors propose an alternative view that small fields in association with forts
(e.g. Carriden) may represent some form of allotment by the Roman rather than the
embodiment of an indigenous agricultural system (Armit 2005, 62). Field systems, of
unknown magnitude, have been identified to the west of the fort at Carvoran following an
unpublished geophysical survey by the authors (Breeze 2006, 280-281). Ditched enclosures to
allotments and fields have been identified to the south-east of the fort at Brough-on-Noe
(Dearne 1993, 155).
A major road (1) joins that running south some 275m from the road leading to the
Vallum crossing. This road is wider than any other leading to the fort and bends towards the
River Irthing, where it is likely that an unrecognised bridge was constructed. It is probable
that this road joined the Stanegate, whilst the road running to the south headed towards
Brampton Old Church. The presence of this road from the south-east is surprising as it is not
laid out on the axis of the known or any postulated earlier fort. The breadth of the major roads
entering the settlement is wider and better defined than is known at other Wall forts such as
Birdoswald, Carvoran and Housesteads and the associated site of Maryport (Biggins and
Taylor 2004a, b & c).
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
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The road crossing the outer ditch from the fort changes direction at the edge of an open
space, which has tentatively been identified as a possible a market place. There are few
apparent buildings in this area to the south of the outer ditch, and its importance is enhanced,
as it is the place where at least four roads converge. The absence of buildings is supported by
the presence of clear undisturbed secondary field boundaries within the space. No market
place is known to any vicus, in Britain, although their existence has been inferred (Sommer
1984, 39-40). A similar open space has been seen on the road leading west from the fort at
Birdoswald (Biggins and Taylor 2004, 176). In this case, the road widens out to form an
elliptical space close to the edge of the settlement.
A speculative model for the pre-Roman and Romano-British occupation of the site at
Castlesteads can tentatively be put forward. Millet (1994, 44) has hypothesised that Rome
dealt with the British tribes by a combination of threats, promises and military action. Their
reward for co-operation with the Roman army could have been independence within
prescribed limits. Seen in the context of the Stanegate frontier, the Romans would have
secured the obedience of the indigenous settlements to the north. These communities may not
have been dispossessed of their land, but have been obliged to supply the Roman army
certainly with food and possibly in the form of conscripted labour or troops (Breeze 1984,
277). Additionally or alternately taxation may have been levied, such an example is that of the
Frisii, who were taxed in the form of commodities such as ox-hides (Tacitus, Histories, V,
25).
The prehistoric settlement at Castlesteads was built in a strategic position and probably
also occupied the low hill to the north-east of the fort. The change in the field patterns,
possibly prior to the building of the Hadrianic fort and settlement, may suggest a change in the
management of the agricultural pattern brought about by the involvement of the Romany
army. It is known that the Roman army was allocated land around fortresses to provide
essential materials. At the Legionary fortress of Xanten in Germany the area the territorium
was not less than 3,400 ha. or 8,500 acres (Petrikovits 1960, 63). Estimates of British
territorium coloniae, for much larger settlements are implied at Colchester (1,100ha), York
(900ha), and Lincoln (900 ha) (Rodwell 1975, 98). Whilst at Chester-le-Street, the only
known example of a frontier auxiliary military territorium is noted (RIB 1049; dated to AD
216), but gives no indication of the size. It has been suggested that a revision of the taxation
system for the benefit of the army was emplaced in the third century or even earlier, the
annona militaris (corn levy), which continued until the end of Roman Britain (Rickman 1971
278-283).
Whether the apparent change of pattern, seen in the creation of smaller fields, but
based upon the original Iron Age model, could have reflected the growing of different crops to
feed the army is a speculative hypothesis. Who controlled, or even farmed the fields close to a
fort is also uncertain. When the decision was taken to construct the Wall, the site chosen for
the fort at Castlesteads in view of its strategic position was founded on what was probably a
Romano-British settlement. The gentle, southern facing slope with fertile soil would have
provided an ideal settlement environment. Whether an earlier Stanegate fort was already in
situ is largely conjectural; this hypothesis is supported by evidence of a major road system
being offset from logical access to a ‘later’ fort. It is possible that a conscious decision was
also taken, by the pragmatic Roman military, in laying out the settlement, to retain part of the
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
11
existing field systems for agricultural use, either by the soldiers themselves or the indigenous
population.
5. Conclusion
The size of the settlement shown is small and there could probably be less than 60 buildings
shown on the magnetometry image. The possibility arises that the settlement may extend
much further to the west and follow the line of the Vallum, outside the limits of the survey.
The present known extent is some 750m along the largest axis of the survey. The Vallum
may not have been left open away from the fort for any extensive period, and further survey to
the north and west of Castlesteads House could clarify this very important point. It can be
strongly argued that at Castlesteads the Roman fort and vicus was founded on a Romano-
British settlement, and that the field system continued to be maintained and modified.
This evidence of the field systems identified on the Wall would tend to discount the
proposal put forward by Sommer (1984, 38) that agricultural activity in the military vici of the
Highland Zone can be decried and only small scale vegetable growing agriculture was
demonstrated. The probability is that extensive field systems will prove to have been
established at all the Wall forts, but this evidence is becoming rapidly degraded by modern
agriculture and building programmes.
The size of the identified vicus is much smaller than those detected elsewhere and
associated with the Wall at Birdoswald, Housesteads, Chesters, Vindolanda, Halton Chesters
and Corbridge, yet the field systems are considerable in extent. It is manifest that the scale of
any field systems and other features around the forts indicated with larger vici will have been
much greater in extent. At the present time there is very little archaeological research being
carried out on the Wall and no agreed inclusive research agenda (November 2006). This is
despite the Wall being a World Heritage Site with tourism being actively encouraged. The
full extent of the archaeological deposits around the forts listed above unknown and it is
almost certain to extend beyond those limits presently assumed.
Acknowledgements
Grateful thanks must be given to the main landowner Major Johnson and the tenant Mr Ian
Douglas together with the adjoining landowner’s Mr and Mrs Sutcliffe for allowing the survey
to take place. Thanks must also be given to Mr Andrew Brown, of Smiths Gore Chartered
Surveyors, for his help with the arranging access. The survey was carried out with the benefit
of generous grants from the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological
Society and the Royal Archaeological Institute. Thanks are also due to June Biggins, Bob
Coxon, Alex Greene, Ben Johnson, Rupert Lotherington, Janet Mears, Claire Nesbitt and Julia
Robinson who assisted with the survey.
JAB would like to dedicate this report to the theatre and ward staff at Ward 36, RVI,
Newcastle, and in particular, Mr D. Karat, consultant surgeon, without their skilled surgery
and care JAB would not have survived to contribute to this paper.
Geophysical Survey of the Vicus & Vallum at Castlesteads Roman Fort, Brampton, Cumbria
12
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List of Figures [NOTE: Problems with the PDF formatting prevented me from getting the last Figure to post, and the text between the Figures also had to be sacrificed.  For the missing images and information, please see the Academia.edu page listed at the head of this article.  My apologies for any inconvenience.] 

 




PINNING DOWN ARTHUR: HIS MOST LIKELY POINT OF ORIGIN IN THE NORTH

Aerial Photo of Castlesteads/Camboglanna (Photo Courtesy www.u3ahadrianswall.co.uk)

Where does the Northern Arthur belong?  This is a question I've been asking myself for some time.  What I wish to do here is try to pin down a location.  To do so, I will avail myself only of the traditional material I have at hand, together with some conclusions drawn from toponomastic studies and archaeological findings.

THE YORK CONNECTION

1) The Roman dux (and de facto governor) Lucius Artorius Castus was stationed at York.  This is indisputable historical fact.  

2) According to the HISTORIA BRITTONUM, Arthur fought a battle at a City of the Legion, i.e. York.

3) In Galfridian tradition, Caeleon, the City of the Legion, in south Wales is Arthur's chief court.

4) In a corrupt TRIAD, Arthur Penuchel is made the son of Eliffer of York.  While this association of an Arthur with sub-Roman/Dark Age York is intriguing, and probably more than coincidental, the chronology for such a chieftain is not satisfactory.  

 HADRIAN'S WALL IN THE IRTHING VALLEY

1) Camboglanna is Arthur's Camlann.  

2) Banna Roman fort was the home of St. Patrick.  There are the remains of a Dark Age hall here, constructed and maintained by a warlord who was the inheritor of at least some of the traditions of the fort's Roman period garrison. 

3) Dr. Andrew Breeze, a place-name scholar, has proposed that the Irthing river-name represents a diminutive of Cumbric arth, 'bear', using an equivalent of the Old Welsh suffix -inn.  The river would thus be the Erthin(n) or Little Bear. 

3) Arthwys, the preform of which would be *Artensis, 'man of the Arth [Bear]', is the father of Eliffer.  He is also the father of a Ceidio, whose name is a hypocoristic form of a name that would have meant either Battle-ruler or Battle-leader.  If the last, this would perfectly match in meaning the dux bellorum title applied to him in the HISTORIA BRITTONUM.  Ceidio's son if Gwenddolau, whose name (quite possibly a place-name) is preserved at Carwinley in Cumbria, just a little north of the west end of the Wall.  Arthwy's father Mar (or Mor) is another territorial designation in the form of an eponym: he stands for the founder of the Moringas of Westmorland.  

BURGH-BY-SANDS

Not far west of the Irthing Valley, on the Wall at Burgh-By-Sands, stood the Aballava/Avalana/'Apple Orchard' Roman fort.  This is, rather transparently, the prototype for Arthur's "Avalon."  A Dea Latis (probably 'Lake Goddess' given the extensive Burgh Marsh that once surrounded the fort, and not, as some have proposed, a goddess of beer) was worshiped at Aballava.

STANWIX

I've written extensively about the Uxellodunum fort at Stanwix, the command center of the Wall (or at least of its western half).  This fort lies equidistantly between the Irthing Valley, Burgh-By-Sands and Carwinley. During the Roman period, Uxellodunum had very close relationship with the York of Lucius Artorius Castus.  It houses the largest cavalry unit in all of Britain.  Late tradition calls Etterby (which abuts upon Stanwix) 'Arthur's Burg.'  I've also very tentatively suggested that Pedr/Petrus of Dyfed may have named his son Arthur after an Arthur who had become associated with the Dark Age remnants/descendants of the Ala Petriana at Uxellodunum.  The NOTITIA DIGNITATUM refers to Uxellodunum as Petrianis.  This is generally thought to be an error, but it could also represent a sort of nickname for the fort.  

CONCLUSION

While it is tempting to place Ceidio (Arthur?) at Stanwix, I've been leaning away from this idea in recent months. I mean, if Arthur was born in the Irthing Valley, and his being given the Roman/Latin name Artorius was at least in part due to this name being linked by the British with their name for bear, and he ends up dying in the Irthing Valley, then the most logical conclusion would be to place him at either Banna or Camboglanna.  

I've been warned that Etterby at Arthur's Burg may have come about because the French personal name underlying Etterby (Etard) was interpreted at some point as a corruption of the name Arthur.  This looks unlikely to me.  Others have reminded me that during the medieval period, as a result of French romance, Carlisle (Roman Luguvalium), which is just across the Eden from Stanwix, came to be seen as an Arthurian center.  But I long ago showed that Carduel is not Carlisle, but merely another name for Geoffrey of Monmouth's Caerleon. [1]

Sure, Stanwix is attractive.  I love to imagine that Arthur may have been at the head of a Dark Age cavalry force that originated with the Roman period Ala Petriana.  But is this a realistic scenario?   

Well, it is not too unreasonable to allow for the possibility that a powerful warlord, born on the Wall in the Irthing Valley, may have set up shop, so to speak, at neighboring Stanwix.  However, it is interesting that after Arthur's death, we suddenly find Urien fighting battles between central Cumbria down to Catterick.  The Welsh sources take Geoffrey of Monmouth's Loth, father of Mordred (Medraut), and convert him into Llew (= Lleu), son of Cynfarch, father of Urien.  I've shown in past research that Rheged is a name for Annandale, center of Mabon worship.  Carlisle or Luguvalium is either the fort that is "Lleu-strong" or is based on a personal name Luguvalos.  Can we, then, situate the father of Medraut at Carlisle?  Was it the disastrous strife at Camboglanna/Birdoswald that opened the way for Urien to penetrate into Cumbria?  And, if so, it makes little sense to think of Arthur as being at Stanwix.  Rather, we would have an expanding Rheged attacking its enemy in the Irthing Valley - and overthrowing Arthur in the process.  Alternately, as the Cumbrian region including the Irthing Valley was part of the ancient territory of the Carvetii, the fall of Medraut from Carlisle and Arthur from Banna or Camboglanna may have been an internal squabble.  When both of these great men fell, Urien was free to make his move against the crippled kingdom to his south. 

If any of this bears a resemblance to what actually happened historically c. 537 at Camlann, then I must opt for the Irthing Valley as Ceidio's/Arthur's birthplace and ruling center.  

[1]

Carduel is said to be in Wales (Gales). However, it has long been customary to identify this site with Carlisle, the Roman Luguvalium, in Cumbria. The "d" of Carduel is said to be due to dissimilation of the first "l" of Carlisle (Welsh Caerliwelydd). I have always thought this linguistic argument to be highly questionable.

Carduel is also hard by the Red Knight's Forest of Quinqueroy and not far from the castle of Gornemont of Goort. Goort is here definitely Gower. Quinqueroy is Welsh gwyn plus caer, a slight error for Caerwent.

While Kerduel in Brittany is derived from Caer + Tudwall (information courtesy Jean-Yves le Moing, personal correspondence; cf. Caer Dathyl in Arfon, from Irish Tuathal = Welsh Tudwall, possibly Caer-fawr or Caernarfon, information courtesy Brian Lile of The National Library of Wales, citing Ifor Williams' Pedair Keinc Ymabinogi, 1951), I think Carduel (Car-dyou-EL) probably derives from Caer +d'iwl, Iwl (pronounced similar to English 'yule', according to Dr. David Thorne of the Welsh Department at Lampeter) being the Welsh form of Julius, the name Geoffrey used for Aaron's partner, St. Julian.

When Perceval first comes to Arthur's court, it is at Carduel; but when Arthur sets off after Perceval when the latter sends the Haughty Knight of the Moor to the court, the king leaves Caerleon. In between the king's placement at Carduel and Caerleon, Anguingueron and Clamadeu find Arthur at Dinas d'Aaron, the Fort of Aaron/Caerleon. In other words, Caerleon and Carduel are the same. Indeed, Anguingueron and the Haughty Knight are sent to Arthur's court by Perceval, who knows only that Arthur is at Carduel. This means that Dinas d'Aaron and Carduel have to be Caerleon.

And Arthur's Quarrois? When Erec of Erec and Enide says he will not loiter anywhere until he has "come to the court of King Arthur, whom I wish to see either at Quarrois or Carduel", he seems to be implying that Carduel and Quarrois are near each other. Because Quarrois is mentioned only in conjunction with Carduel, it is more than likely the -queroy of Quinqueroy, i.e. Quarrois = the Caer that is Caerwent.












Saturday, February 23, 2019

DID THE DACIANS OF BANNA/BIRDOSWALD WORSHIP A BEAR GOD?

A tomb painting at the Aleksandrovska Grobnitsa (Bulgaria), which possibly depicts Zalmoxis. (Photo Courtesy Wikipedia)

While there is great controversy surrounding the figure of the Dacian god Zalmoxis, some ancient authorities - and modern scholars - have seen in him a bear divinity.  A good example of the latter is represented by "The Cult of the Sleeping Bear", to be found in the following book by Rhys Carpenter:

https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.74372

I am here providing the relevant selection from that work:

In classical times, in the northern part of the present kingdom(or whatever it may be) of Bulgaria, there dwelt a Thracianpeople called Getai, whom Herodotos found noteworthy because of their practice of a peculiar ritual connected with their belief in immortality:

They consider [he writes] that they themselves do not die, but that whoever perishes goes to the spirit Salmoxis, the same whom some o£ them name Beleizis. Every four years they choose one of their numberby lot and, after instructing him in their various wishes and needs, send him away as a messenger to Salmoxis. And this is how they send him. While some of them group themselves, holding three javelins, others seize the feet and hands of him who is to be despatched to Salmoxis and swinging him up into the air let him fall on the spearpoints. If he is transfixed and dies, they deem the god is auspicious; but i£ he does not die, they put the blame on the messenger, declaring that he is a sinful man, and after they have thus found him at fault, they send off another as messenger. It is before he dies that they communicate to him their wishes. In this Getan practice the tribesman has taken the place of the tribal animal as emissary: a man, not a bear, is sent. That is because the bear has here become the divinity, the great spirit to whom the message is sent and with whom the dying Getai may expect to live forever. It is no new theory among students of religion that Salmoxis was a bear. We have only to listen to the rest of Herodotos’ ac- count to perceive that this identification must be correct. After remarking that these same Thracians who send away the messenger to Salmoxis “shoot arrows at the thunder and lightning, defying the god [to wit, of course, the Greek god, Zeus of the thunderbolt], since they believe in no other god than their own,”Herodotos proceeds to relate the following remarkable anecdote: As I learn on inquiry from the Greeks on the Hellespont and the Black Sea, this Salmoxis was a man who had been a slave at Samos for noneother than Pythagoras. After gaining his freedom he amassed considerable wealth and returned with it to his native land . . . and there he built a banqueting hall in which he entertained the leading citizens and in the course of the feasting set forth his doctrine that neither himself nor his guests nor yet their children’s children should die, butshould come to that very place and there should live forever in enjoyment of every happiness. But aU the while that he 'was saying this he was engaged in making for himself an underground chamber; and when it was completed, he disappeared from among the Thracians by descending into the underground chamber, and there he abode for a space of three years. The rest lamented and mourned for him as dead. However, in the fourth year he reappeared among them; and thus they were confirmed in what Salmoxis had told them. This is the story. For my own part, as to this underground chamber and the rest, I donot precisely doubt, nor yet do I altogether believe. Still, I am of the opinion that Salmoxis must have lived long before Pythagoras. Butwhether Salmoxis was indeed a human being or some sort of native divinity among the Getai, let us now bid him farewell. Whoever is familiar with the Greek propensity to rationalize the supernatural and to humanize every myth will recognize that the slave of Pythagoras (whence, of course, the poor barbarian derived his knowledge of immortality!) and the leading Thracian citizen who entertained his townsmen in a communityeating hall are typical Hellenic interpretative contributions to the story. With these removed, we are left with an immortality cult centering on a mysterious exponent who feasts, then retires to an underground dwelling, pretends to be dead, is considered dead by others, but at length reemerges to prove that death is not the end. Fortunately there are a few further ancient references to Salmoxis besides this famous Herodotean accotmt. From these we learn that he fasted and starved himself in his self-imposed prison; that his underground chamber was a “cavelike place”; and that he took his name from the Thracian word for hide, zdmo, because he was dressed in a bearskin—an etymology which, by leaving the bear out of the hide, admits more than it pretends to explain! Surely it is not very difficult to read such a riddle. The dedmonwho wears a bear’s hide, who feasts heartily, then retires to fast in a secret cavelike dwelling in the ground, vanishing from mortal ken to be given up for dead, yet after a time returns to life and his old haunts, can be none other than the hibernating bear, whose mysterious, foodless, midwinter sleep has everywhere made of him a supernatural spirit to the wondering mind of primitive man.

A more comprehensive and less slanted evaluation of the god may be found in this study (which still, however, allows for the god having a bear aspect):

https://www.persee.fr/doc/hiper_2284-5666_2016_num_3_2_914

Of course, even if we accept that Zalmoxis was a bear god, and that he was worshiped by the Dacians, we cannot be sure if the Dacians serving as Roman troops at Birdoswald/Banna in the Irthing Valley (Valley of the Bear River, in the region of the *Artenses or 'Bear-people') honored this deity.  To begin, they would have adopted the religion and cultic practices of the Roman state fairly early on.  And, in truth, there are a great many dedications to Jupiter Optimus Maximus at Birdoswald.  Any worship of a native deity would either have been done in private or according to the usual process of interpretatio romana, in which one's native deity was identified with a Roman one that shared this or that characteristic or function.  If Zalmoxis was a sky god, as has been contended, the many dedications to J.O.M. at Birdoswald may be significant in this regard.

But it is interesting to contemplate the possibility that a people whose greatest god was ursine formed the garrison of a fort where Arthur may have been present.

Friday, February 22, 2019

Archaeological Report on the Birdoswald Dark Age Hall

Birdoswald Roman Fort

From https://traj.openlibhums.org/articles/10.16995/TRAC1992_59_69/galley/22/download/:

COLLAPSE THEORY
AND THE END OF BIRDOSWALD

Tony Wilmott

We must accept that the soldiers of the Wall returned to the soil
from which they sprang.

Thus, in the absence of evidence for the post-Roman period on the frontier,
did Breeze and Dobson (1976: 232) conclude their account of
Hadrian's Wall in the third and fourth centuries. Excavations by the
Central Archaeological Service of English Heritage at Birdoswald, directed
by the writer between 1987-92 have highlighted the period, and buildings
post-dating the latest Roman coins and pottery have been recovered. Similar
developments have also been found at South Shields, and in a more
recent synthesis of Hadrian's Wall, Johnson (1989: 112) has cited these
developments as the first real evidence that activity, of whatever kind, continued
in the forts of the wall and its hinterland during the fifth century,
suggesting further that as settlement nuclei, forts may have become local
power centres with the potential to become 'part of the jigsaw that formed
itself into the developing Northumbrian kingdom'. These discoveries
alone, however, still lack a context as so little is known of northern Britain
in the sub-Roman period. This paper constitutes a preliminary attempt to
place the developments at Birdoswald into a somewhat more theoretical
framework, and to provide some basis for future discussion.
Briefly, the Birdoswald evidence may be seen to reflect a transition from
the 'Roman' occupation pattern of the late 4th century to a distinctive, and
60 T. WIlMOTI
apparently 'non-Roman' pattern in the 5th or early 6th centuries. The evidence
is located in the area immediately south of the via principalis of the
fort, adjacent to the principal west gate. During the period from c. AD 200
to the 4th century this area was occupied by granaries of standard Roman
military type. In the later 4th century, the raised and ventilated sub-floor of
the southern granary was backfilled, and the flagstone floor relaid. A terminus
post quem of AD 348 is provided for this by the latest coin in the
backfill. At the western end of the building were a series of stone hearths,
around which high quality finds were dropped. These included a glass
finger ring and a gold earring; both mid-fourth century types, and also the
latest coin from Birdoswald; a Theodosian issue dating to AD 388-395.
In the north granary the collapse of the roof after AD 353 was followed
by the spoliation of the building for stone. It appears that the walls and the
flagstone floor were extensively quarried. The former hollow sub-floor was
now used for dumping. Pottery in the dumping suggests that it was contemporary
with the reuse of the south granary. The coins are a better guide
to date, however, and John Davies (forthcoming) has pointed out that the
group of coins from this dump are later than those from the deliberate
backfilling of the sub-floor of the south granary. The two groups are, in
fact, complementary. The south granary backfill contained 23 coins of
which the latest was dated to AD 348, and no fewer than fourteen ranged
from AD 324-348. No FEL TEMP REPARATIO issues were present in this
group. In the north granary dumping eight coins out of fifteen are dated to
AD 348-378, beginning with FEL TEMP REPARATIO coins. Had later coins
been circulating when the floor of the south granary was laid, there is little
doubt that at least one would have been incorporated in the backfill. As
this was not the case, the reflooring of this building cannot have been
much later than c. AD 350. The dereliction and robbing of the northern
building would have followed on closely after.
As well as the coins a pennanular brooch was found in the dumped
material in the north granary. This was of a type identified by Margaret
Snape (1992) as sub-Roman. An inscription commemorating the construction
of a granary (RIB 1909) was found reused in the reflooring of an adjacent
building during excavations in 1929 (Richmond and Birley 1930).
The numismatic evidence confirms a terminus post quem after AD 364-375
for the phase during which the inscription was reused, based on a sealed
coin of Valentinian I (ibid.: 174). The latest coin overlying this floor was
dated by Kent (1951: 9) to after AD 389. It is entirely consistent with the
evidence to suggest that the inscription was robbed from the north granary
COllAPSE THEORY AND THE END OF BIRDOSWALD 61
for immediate use in the building excavated in 1929.
Beyond the fact that they are stratigraphically later than the deposition of
the coins and the brooch from the north granary, the following two phases
cannot be dated. The first phase consisted of a group of two timber structures.
One was built on the interval/um road of the fort to the south of the
west gate. This was constructed using ground-fast posts, and utilised the
west wall of the fort as one side. It was probably a lean-to construction. The
main building was erected on the site of the north granary. The walls of the
building were utilised as sleeper walls with post holes cut a single course
deep into the wall tops. The floor of the building consisted of fissile micaceous
shale flagstones which were laid over the earlier dumping and the
collapsed roofing. Post holes were not found around the entire building,
suggesting that elements of the stone walls survived to a higher level when
the timber building was constructed.
The second phase, which was stratigraphically later than the phase of
timber building just described consisted of a further group of buildings
which appeared to be the functional successors of the first. Again buildings
were erected on the intervallum road. This time, however, these were freestanding
structures which did not utilise the Roman stone structure. The
remains of the buildings were subtle, and difficult to recognise, as they
were surface built using sleeper beams as footings, the imprint of which
was barely discernible. The principal building was an altogether more impressive
structure. Figure 4.1 shows site staff standing on the principal
post-pads of the building, which measured 23.00m x 8.60m. It was defined
by a row of stone post pads which ran parallel to the north wall of the
former north granary, and by a shallow trench running the length of the
former building. On examination, post pads corresponding to those in the
northern row were found. The movement northwards of this building is
probably significant. The north wall of the north granary (and therefore
that of the first phase timber building) was built to respect the southern
wall of the double-portal west gate. The south portal of the gate was
blocked during the third century. The effect of this was to leave a band of
dead ground amounting to half the width of the via principalis in front of
the granary. The post-pad building was moved northwards to cover this
ground, such that the north wall of the building lined up with the south
side of the single portal gate. This careful consideration of the use of space
within the fort, and the relationship between the building and the gate
suggests that the building was of some status.
Sequences such as that found at Birdoswald are as yet rare in Britain.
62 T. WILMOTT
Figure 4.1. Excavation staff mark out the principal post positions of the main
building of the second phase of timber structures at Birdoswald (English Heritage).
The closest parallel is provided by Philip Barker's work at Wroxeter. Here
the finds from the site were of late 4th rather than 5th century date, and a
sequence of structural phases post-dating the appearance of the latest
Roman material occurred. The re-flooring and partial demolition of the
Basilica at Wroxeter is associated with coins of the House of Valentinian
(Esmonde-Cleary 1989: 152; White 1990). The end of occupation is given a
rough terminus ante quem by a carbon 14 date of ad 610±50 from a skeleton
which was buried after the end of the timber building sequence (White
1990). In between these dates came successively a 'building yard' phase, the
final demolition of the basilica, and the construction of a range of very substantial
timber buildings on prepared platforms of rubble. The dating of
the site is reliant on an assessment of the length of time buildings might
have survived, or pathways been worn. the timber buildings at Wroxeter
and Birdoswald were surface built on stone pads or reused walls, preventing
the ground level rot which is a problem of ground-fast timbers. Properly
maintained such a building could have lasted a very long time indeed. At
Wroxeter, Barker (1985: 114) recognises the potential of such buildings to
last anything from 25 years to a century, favouring a point midway between
COUAPSE THEORY AND THE END OF BIRDOSW ALD 63
the two, and thus constructs a possible chronology for a sequence of three
buildings. Barker (1985: 114-15; 1990b: 226) considers that the structural
sequence is unlikely to have spanned less than one and a half centuries,
and White (1990) sees the major timber building phase as lasting from AD
450-550.
Given the dating evidence at Birdoswald, alternative chronologies can be
suggested. A minimum chronology for these phases would begin directly
with the terminus post quem of AD 388-395 for the construction of the first
timber phase, and would allocate 25 years life to each set of timber buildings,
terminating the sequence c. AD 445. The maximum chronology
would consider that the first timber phase, with its terminus post quem of AD
388-395 need not begin until AD 420. It may be even later if the reuse of
the south granary was protracted, and the first of the large timber structures
was its functional replacement. Adding a century for the lifetime of
each of the two phases would provide a terminal date c. AD 620. An average
may be taken assuming 50 years life for each timber building phase.
This would mean that the post pad building would have been constructed
c. AD 470, and the site abandoned c. AD 520. The writer is aware that both
shorter and longer chronologies must, given the nature of the evidence, be
considered valid.
The evidence for sub-Roman continuity at Birdoswald is substantial, as
demonstrated by the above short summary. Though difficulties with
chronology are at present insuperable, the transition from a the site as
Roman fort to something which is different appears to the writer to be significant.
The stages through which the site passes may have relevance to
other sites where evidence for this period might be discovered. The stages
may be categorised as phases of reuse and demolition, followed by adaptation,
and finally rebuilding.
The first of these, a phase of reuse and demolition, is represented by the
differing treatments of the two granaries during the mid-fourth century.
The pattern at this time seems to be typical of one symptom of social and
economic collapse described by Tainter (1988: 20), where:
Little new construction [is undertaken], and that which is
attempted concentrates on adapting existing buildings. Great
rooms are subdivided, public space turned to private. When a
building collapses the residents move to another.
The filling of the floors of the south granary suggest that the use of the
building was changed. The domestic debris and hearths found within the
64 T. WILMOTT
building relate only to the final phases of its use, but suggest that this former
'official' building eventually acquired a private, domestic function. The
north granary was quarried, and it seems likely that the building excavated
in 1929 continued to be maintained as a 'rough shack' (Simpson and Richmond
1933: 262) using spolia from this building. Thus existing buildings
were adapted and an official structure turned over to domestic use, while
areas of the fort lay empty as buildings were quarried for materials.
A similar phase may also be represented by the 'building yard' phase at
Wroxeter (White 1990: 5), and by the quarrying of road material at South
Shields (Bidwell 1989: 89), if it is assumed that materials from the excavated
areas of these sites were quarried for use elsewhere on these sites. A
similar situation can be adduced at Exeter. Here, a new floor was laid in
the basilica in or after the reign of Valens (AD 365-378). After the demolition
of the basilica the products of demolition were removed wholesale,
possibly for reuse elsewhere, before the area was given over to an organised
cemetery by the mid-5th century (Bidwell 1979: 108-113).
There is no reason to suppose that the south granary could not have continued
in use for a some considerable time. Greenhalgh (1989: 103) notes
that the solid construction of civil horrea meant that they often survived to
be reused with other functions. He cites those at Arezzo, used as housing
by AD 876. In AD 895 the horrea at Trier, were reused as the 'monasterium s.
Manae vocatum Orrea' (Eiden 1949: 73-74). Elsewhere (Wilmott 1988) it has
been suggested that the granary was used as a hall. The evidence for this
being the large hearths situated at one end of the building, and the fact
that high quality finds were exclusively recovered from around these
hearths.
The first large timber building falls technically and chronologically
between the reuse of old buildings and the construction of new ones. It is
not possible to be certain how much of the stone fabric was standing when
the timber elements were constructed, but at least some parts of the building
might have stood to some height, and that the building was partly stone
and partly timber built. Buildings combining parts of ruinous stone structures
with timber additions are known from at least three other sites. The
latest phase of the south-west gate at South Shields included the replacement
of the south-eastem arch with a timber gateway (Bidwell 1989: 89). At
the temple of Uley, Gloucestershire, the collapse of part of the temple in
the late 4th century was followed by the clearance of debris, and the modification
and reuse of the surviving portions of the stone building, including
an added timber framed element (Woodward 1993: 63-4). At Rivenhall
COLLAPSE THEORY AND THE END OF BIRDOSWALD 65
(Rodwell and Rodwell 1986: 63) a late or sub-Roman timber structure in
the form of a projecting wing was added to the villa frontage, its construction
similar to that of the fifth century Wroxeter buildings. The use of one
earlier wall to build a lean-to structure, as appears to have been the case
with the smaller building of the first timber phase is perhaps the easiest
way of reusing existing fabric. This approach is exemplified in the fifth
century Wroxeter complex (Barker 1981: fig. 5; White 1990: 6, fig. 13).
The final phase is one of rebuilding. The second timber building phase
ignored the Roman stone structures and were constructed where required.
The large building respected the west gate, and was clearly constructed with
a spatial relationship with the gate as an important factor in its layout. The
principal buildings of the timber phase at Wroxeter were similarly new constructions,
taking no discernible pattern from their stone built forerunners.
The continuity of settlement attested stratigraphically appears, therefore,
to be echoed in a gradual change in the way the inhabitants of the fort
change the way in which space and existing building fabric is used. There is
a logical succession of phases, from reuse to adaptation and then to rebuilding
on new lines with different materials; a sequence which fits in well
with the processes of building decay, and allows for habitation and decay to
continue side by side. We have been fortunate at Birdoswald in being able
to follow these processes within a clear stratified sequence, but they are
stages which we should be looking for at every opportunity.
Who was doing all this adaptation and reuse? The obvious answer is that
it was a result of continuity of settlement, and the lack of any archaeological
hiatus confirms this. At Vindolanda Bidwell (1985: 46) has demonstrated
that a refurbishment of the defences took place during the late 4th or early
5th century, and tenuously suggests that this could be seen in context with
the refortification of western Iron Age hillforts in the 5th-6th centuries.
This seems highly likely. The idea that the northern forts persisted as the
sub-Roman defensive sites of the north is one which is emerging from work
at Birdoswald, South Shields, and at Binchester. It is not, however a new
idea; a Nennian reference which can be shown to refer to the fort at Old
Carlisle encouraged Eric Birley (1951: 39) to 'suspect that it survived for
many a long year after the "departure of the Romans" as a centre of subRoman
civilization in Cumbria'.
This would fit with the documentary evidence for the survival of attenuated
romanitas in the north and west within a series of small territories and
kingdoms. In his report on the late 4th or 5th century refortification of
Vindolanda Paul Bidwell (1985: 46) has tenuously suggested that this can
66 T. WII.MOTI
be seen in context with the refortification of south-western hill forts in the
5th and 6th centuries.
The radical changes in the type of settlement at Birdoswald at the end of
the fourth century and beyond are, of course, symptomatic of the more
general collapse of Roman Britain and the western empire at large. The
western Roman collapse has traditionally been regarded as an unparallelled
catastrophe, after which 'a period of recrudescent barbarism' (Wheeler
1932, on Lydney) set in, during which the inhabitants of the area 'sank
lower and lower in the scale of civilization' (Collingwood 1924, on
Cumbria). Tainter's (1988) recent examination of the phenomenon of the
collapse of complex societies cites Rome among a large number of
examples in which collapse can be seen as the result of declining marginal
returns on investment in complex social and political systems.
In the case of the Roman collapse, as summarised by Tainter (ibid.: 128-
52, 188, 196), the snowballing consequences of increased taxation on a
smaller and less productive population created apathy about the continuance
of Roman rule. Millet (1990: 212-30), summarising this period in
Britain, has suggested that the provincial elite took upon itself the deliberate
rejection of centralised Roman government in AD 409, attributing the
revolt to 'those paying taxes for a defence and administration which no
longer served their needs' (ibid.: 228). Tainter (1988: 121) would rightly see
this as a decision deliberately to reject complex structures which have outlived
their usefulness and thus to release resources to create a more
dynamic society, better able to cope with the stresses imposed upon it. The
phenomenon of collapse is seen, therefore, as part of a continuum; 'not a
fall to some primordial chaos, but a return to the normal human condition
of lower complexity' (ibid.: 198). While considering these ideas in the
winter of 1991/2, only a few months before this conference, it was illuminating
to watch the swift unfolding of an apparently similar process in the
former Soviet Union. Historians of the future will doubtless tell us whether
the events leading to the change of flag on the Moscow Kremlin in December
1991 can be seen in these terms, but at present they appear to inform
the problem. It seems arguable that the Soviet system was dismantled from
within at least in part as a result of the perception that investment in the
governmental structures of the union no longer served those paying for it.
The resulting dissolution of the union into its constituent republics was
almost universally welcomed as a result. To look at the period after the
Romano-British collapse in a non-pejorative manner must aid the understanding
of that period as one not of catastrophe but of change, and change
COlLAPSE THEORY AND THE END OF BIRDOSWALD 67
which may to a great extent have been welcomed by many of those who
participated in it, who could not know what result their actions might have.
By the third century at the latest, Britain was supplying the normal needs
of the auxiliary units in the island, and this was formalised as late as AD
313 by legal hereditary service (Dobson and Mann 1973: 201). As late as
AD 372 the sons of soldiers drew rations (Tainter 1988: 144). The direct
result of a taxation revolt would be that the troops on the wall would no
longer have been paid or supplied. Holder (1982: 103) compares Britain to
other provinces where no combined effort was made against invaders by
populations or garrisons, concluding that 'with no concerted effort in time
of trouble individual units would have been destroyed . . . [or] faded away
over a period of time' (ibid.). Esmonde-Cleary (1989: 142) cites the account
in the Vita Sancti Severini of the limitanei of Noricum Ripense in AD 452.
Pay had ceased, troops sent to get pay had been killed by barbarians, and
consequently only a few very small formations were left. He suggests the
same pattern for the British northern frontier.
A different model is suggested by the Birdoswald evidence. In the British
diocese at large, Millett (1990: 218-19) demonstrates how the burden of
the documentary sources shows romanitas surviving in the north and west
in the second half of the fifth century in 'a series of different territories no
longer knitted into the single whole which had existed before the expulsion
of the imperial administration in AD 409' (ibid.: 218). Tainter (1988: 19)
argues that when social organisation reduces to the lowest economically viable
level 'groups which had been economic and political partners may
become strangers or threatening competitors'. Given that the revolt of AD
409 would have thrown the wall garrisons, which by this time were probably
not very large, onto their own resources, it is possible to visualise a
pseudo-military structure remaining in place for some time. However it is
also easy to see how a small cohort of limitanei might mutate into the
comitatus of a leader, or succession thereof. The military and organisational
partnership on the wall might break up, and only suitably positioned forts
continue in occupation.
The material evidence for such a mutation might well take the form of
the Birdoswald sequence. In each phase a long rectangular building
appears to be the focus around which other buildings are constructed. In
the final phase the importance of this building is stressed by significantly
altering its position with relation to the fort gate. It is possible that these
buildings were successive halls; central foci of a settlement type whose
ancestry lies in the pre-Roman Iron Age, and in the less romanised area

68 T. WILMOTT
north of the Roman frontier rather than in the history and installations of
the frontier itself.
This paper should be regarded as a series of interim statements and ideas
based on work in progress. A number of themes appear to be emerging
from the continuing analysis of the Birdoswald sequence, although these
cannot as yet be placed into a coherent framework.
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