Wednesday, November 16, 2022

NO 1500 SPEARMEN FROM BRITAIN?: A BETTER EXPLANATION OF THE 'PERENNIS DEPUTATION' TO ROME

Emona Inscription by an Officer of the Ala Britannica

Some time ago, I stressed what appeared to be a strange coincidence in the rival account of the Fall of Perennis.  We know that Dio claims 1500 British spearmen went to Rome and demanded the Praetorian Prefect be handed over.  But, when we go to the account preserved in Herodian, everything gets, well, strange... [1]

In this latter source, we have a grand conspiracy hatched between Perennis and his sons, who have been set up as commanders of the army in Illyricum (wherein was to found Castus' Liburnia).  This seems to be related to the Augustan History's claim that victories won by other generals over the Sarmatians had been credited to Perennis's son.  In the History, immediately after mention of the Sarmatian victories, we are told about the Britons and then the resulting fall of the Praetorian Prefect.

The problem with the deputation from Britain to Rome has always been our inability to explain why this large group of armed men were allowed to proceed unimpeded to the capital.  Never mind the logistical nightmare implied by such a mission. 

Roger Tomlin, who still prefers ARMENIOS for the fragmentary ARM[...]S of the Castus inscription, has shared with me his doubts regarding the Perennis story:

"Armenia is an awfully long way to send reinforcements from Britain, but it fits nicely with the drafting of its commander-in-chief Statius Priscus. Why shouldn't he choose some of his own men to go with him? Don't forget, 5,500 Sarmatians were sent almost as far in the reverse direction! I don't see anyone quibbling with THAT.  

I find armatos difficult as a reference to the Praetorians. The delegation wasn't directed 'against' them, but against their Prefect (hostem publicum, perhaps). And I don't think the leader of the delegation would refer to his mission in such a way: he would be going 'to' Rome, or 'to' the Emperor, appealing unto Caesar. Not emphasising its hostile, negative aspect. 

But then, I find the whole story difficult. Here are 1500 men, a tenth of the legionary establishment in Britain, walking half-way across Europe to complain of how their generals have been appointed. It is mutiny for one thing, and who chooses their leader? And will he be a senior equestrian himself? And how do you march 1500 men all that way without official warrant? Did they simply seize food and billets every time they stopped for the night?"

These points represent serious problems with Dio's narrative.  Even if we allow for Commodus having set the whole thing up - say, by having the British soldiers come to Rome so that he could blame Perennis' fate on the British army, not on himself - it is hard to believe the Emperor could not have found a more convenient way to dispose of his prefect, had he desired to do so. 

I do think we can figure this mess out.  We know that, concurrently, there were problems in Britain and in Sarmatia.  We know that there was a large contingent of Sarmatians in Britain.  Thus we can allow for the soldiers who came to Rome being soldiers who actually came from Illyricum.  These were confused with British troops, who numbered Sarmatians among them, and who were in a state of mutiny following the harsh command of Marcellus.  

If soldiers came from Illyricum, fresh from the Sarmatian War there, we can only assume the one version of the story is correct in that they went to Rome to report the plotting of Perennis' son or sons against Commodus.  

However, there is yet another complicating factor which may have contributed to soldiers from Illyricum becoming wrongly identified with British soldiers!

I would refer my readers to this article by Valerie Maxfield, The Ala Britannica, Dona and Peregrini
Valerie A. Maxfield, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Bd. 52 (1983), pp. 141-150:


According to Maxfield, this unit, originally raised in Britain, was under Trajan "sent east from its base in Lower Pannonia."  It was in Amaseia in Pontus and in Emona.  Another British unit, the cohors I Brittonum, was "probably moved east from its base in Dacia to participate in the war of Marcus and Verus."  Maxfield's summary of the ala's history reads as follows:



The ala was in Pannonia for a very long time - including during the reigns of Marcus, Verus and Commodus.  For all of the unit's diplomas, see https://scholarlypublications.universiteitleiden.nl/access/item%3A2964103/view.  In this work we find diplomas in 192 and 193 for the unit in Moesia Superior (bearing the name of Commodus) and several inscriptions in 252 when the unit appears in Syria (Apamea).  

This is significant because Pannonia was in Illyricum, and Pannonia Inferior was bordered by Sarmatia.  The ala was, of course, also in Pannonia Superior. 

Thus, we had units named for their province of original formation based in the Illyricum of Perennis' son or sons.  

Given all of the above, I think we can adequately reconcile the different versions of the story of the Fall of Perennis by saying that no troops with Sarmatian cavalry journeyed from Britain to Rome.  Instead, we had troops go to Rome from nearby Illyricum, where fighting had been going on with Sarmatia and where units with British names were known to be based.  

I would add that an ala milliaria was comprised of around 1,000 soldiers, although it could contain more than that.  

[1]

Here are the three accounts of the Fall of Perennis, as found in Cassius Dio, Herodian and the Augustan History:

CASSIUS DIO


9 Perennis,​6 who commanded the Pretorians after Paternus, met his death as the result of a mutiny of the soldiers. For, inasmuch as Commodus had given himself up to chariot-racing and licentiousness and performed scarcely any of the duties pertaining to his office, Perennis was compelled to manage not only the military affairs, but everything else as well, and to stand at the head of the State. 21 The soldiers, accordingly, whenever any matter did not turn out to their satisfaction, laid the blame upon Perennis and were angry with him.

2a The soldiers in Britain chose Priscus, a lieutenant, emperor; but he declined, saying: I am no more an emperor than you are soldiers"

The lieutenants in Britain, accordingly, having been rebuked for their insubordination, — they did not become quiet, in fact, until Pertinax quelled them, — now chose out of their number fifteen hundred javelin men and sent them into Italy. 3 These men had already drawn near to Rome without encountering any resistance, when Commodus met them and asked: "What is the meaning of this, soldiers? What is your purpose in coming?" And when they  p91 answered, "We are here because Perennis is plotting against you and plans to make his son emperor," Commodus believed them, especially as Cleander insisted; for this man had often been prevented by Perennis from doing all that he desired, and consequently he hated him bitterly. 4 He accordingly delivered up the prefect to very soldiers whose commander he was, and had not the courage to scorn fifteen hundred men, though he had many times that number of Pretorians. 10 So Perennis was maltreated and struck down by those men, and his wife, his sister, and two sons were also killed. Thus Perennis was slain, though he deserved a far different fate, both on his own account and in the interest of the entire Roman empire, — except in so far as his ambition for office had made him chiefly responsible for the ruin of his colleague Paternus. For privately he never strove in the least for either fame or wealth, but lived a most incorruptible and temperate life; and as for Commodus and his imperial office, he guarded them in complete security.

AUGUSTAN HISTORY (LIFE OF COMMODUS)


6 1   About this time the victories in Sarmatia won by other generals were attributed by Perennis to his own son.​45 2 Yet in spite of his great power, suddenly, because in the war in Britain​46 he had dismissed certain senators and had put men of the equestrian order in command of the soldiers,​47 this same Perennis was declared an enemy to the state, when the matter was reported by the legates in command of the army, and was thereupon delivered up to the soldiers to be torn to pieces.​48 3 In his place of power Commodus put Cleander,​49 one of his chamberlains.

4 After Perennis and his son were executed...

[6 1 Eo tempore in Sarmatia res bene gestas per alios duces in filium suum Perennis referebat. 2 hic tamen Perennis, qui tantum potuit, subito, quod bello Britannico militibus equestris loci viros praefecerat amotis senatoribus, prodita re per legatos exercitus hostis appellatus lacerandusque militibus est deditus. 3 in cuius potentiae locum Cleandrum ex cubiculariis subrogavit.

4 Multa sane post interfectum Perennem eiusque filium...]

HERODIAN


[1.9.1] [185] After he had removed the men whom Commodus had reason to fear, those who showed him good will for his father's sake, and those who were concerned for the emperor's safety, Perennis, now a powerful figure, began to plot for the empire. Commodus was persuaded to put the prefect's sons in command of the army of Illyricum, though they were still young men; the prefect himself amassed a huge sum of money for lavish gifts in order to incite the army to revolt. His sons quietly increased their forces, so that they might seize the empire after Perennis had disposed of Commodus.

[1.9.2] This plot came to light in a curious fashion. The Romans celebrate a sacred festival in honor of Jupiter Capitolinus, and all the stage shows and athletic exhibitions are sent to take part in this festival in the capital. The emperor is both spectator and judge, together with the rest of the priests, who are summoned in rotation for this duty.

[1.9.3] Upon his arrival for the performance of the famous actors, Commodus took his seat in the imperial chair; an orderly crowd filled the theater, quietly occupying the assigned seats. Before any action took place on the stage, however, a man dressed as a philosopher (half-naked, carrying a staff in his hand and a leather bag on his shoulder) ran out and took his stand in the center of the stage. Silencing the audience with a sweep of his hand, he said:

[1.9.4] "Commodus, this is no time to celebrate festivals and devote yourself to shows and entertainments. The sword of Perennis is at your throat. Unless you guard yourself from a danger not threatening but already upon you, you shall not escape death. Perennis himself is raising money and an army to oppose you, and his sons are winning over the army of Illyricum. Unless you act first, you shall die."

[1.9.5] Whether he said this by divine inspiration, or whether, obscure and unknown before, he was making an effort to gain fame, or hoped to receive a generous reward from the emperor - whatever the reason, Commodus was thunderstruck. Everyone was suspicious of the man's words, and no one believed him. Perennis ordered the philosopher to be seized and burned for making insane and lying accusations.

[1.9.6] Such was the penalty that the beggar paid for his ill-timed outspokenness. The emperor's intimate friends, however, who had long been secretly hostile to Perennis (for the prefect was harsh and unbearable in his insolence and arrogance), believed that the time had come and began to bring charges against him. As a result, Commodus escaped the plot, and Perennis and his sons perished miserably.

[1.9.7] For not much later, some soldiers visited Perennis' son in secret and carried off coins bearing the prefect's portrait. And, without the knowledge of Perennis, the praetorian prefect, they took the coins directly to Commodus and revealed to him the secret details of the plot. They were richly rewarded for their service.

[1.9.8] While Perennis was still ignorant of these developments and anticipated nothing of the sort, the emperor sent for him at night and had him beheaded. And he dispatched men to Perennis' son by the fastest route, so that they might reach him before he knew what had happened. These men were to take a route shorter than the one by which news was regularly carried; in this way they would be able to come to the youth before he was aware of events at Rome. Commodus wrote the youth a friendly letter, telling him that he was recalling him to greater expectations, and ordering him to come to Rome.

[1.9.9] Perennis' son knew nothing of the reception awaiting him and was unaware of his father's fate. When the messengers informed him that his father had given these same orders orally but, satisfied with the emperor's letter, had not written a separate note, the youth was convinced, although he was concerned about leaving the plot unfinished. Nevertheless, relying on his father's power as if that power still existed, he left Illyricum.

[1.9.10] On the way to Italy the youth was killed by the emperor's men. Such was the fate of Perennis and his son. Thereafter Commodus regularly appointed two praetorian prefects, believing that it was safer not to place too much authority in the hands of one man; he hoped that this division of authority would discourage any desire to seize the imperial power.


Friday, November 11, 2022

ACTING GOVERNOR M. ANTIUS CRESCENS CALPURNIANUS AND CASTUS'S MISSION TO ROME TO REMOVE PERENNIS


By now, my readers may be aware that I've decided to provisionally adopt the reading of ARMATOS for the ARM[...]S of the L. Artorius Castus memorial inscription.  While at one time or another I considered the other acceptable alternative reconstructions, viz. ARMENIOS and ARMORICOS, it was my research into terminology associated with the Praetorian Guard that made me realize the proper application of ARMATOS could lead to a better understanding of Castus' career. [ARMATOS was first proposed by Dr. Linda Malcor et al in their journal article "Missing Pieces:  A New Reading of the Main Lucius Artorius Castus Inscription”, Journal of Indo-European Studies, Volume 47, 2019, pp. 415-437.]

How so?

Well, armatos, perhaps used disparagingly, i.e. as a slight (a possibility favored by Prof. Sandra Bingham), could have been used to designate the Praetorians.  I found several examples of armatos used for the guard, and scholars I checked with confirmed such usage.  If ARMATOS were indeed present on LAC's stone, and it stood for the Praetorians, then we could propose that LAC had led three legionary detachments (the 1500 spearmen of the relevant account) to Rome to bring about the downfall of the Praetorian Prefect, Perennis.

While this seemed an attractive idea, I still received ample resistance from Dr. Linda Malcor and her colleagues.  Essentially, they wanted to accept that LAC had led the troops to Rome, especially as it is possible some or all of his force were contus-bearing Sarmatian heavy cavalry.  But they continued to insist that the DUX title applied to LAC during his mission to Rome was not a title he was given for his command of the legionary detachments, but instead demonstrated that he was commander of the entire province's army and, therefore, the de facto or acting governor of the province.  They did this despite an overwhelming body of evidence and scholarly supportive argument drawn from the epigraphic and literary sources that definitively prove their usage of dux for a large province with a massive army in the time period we are concerned with is not possible.  They are, as it were, attempting to backread a use of dux for LAC that is not found until the 3rd century (really not until the reign of Gallienus). They deceptively make use of examples that supposedly support their theory, but these examples are known exceptions to the rule (for instance, the use of dux in the earlier period as meaning governor for small African provinces, or citations referring to senators, not to equestrians, and unsupportable readings of other words in the inscription for dubious dating purposes). Although I provided a clear example of vexillations being implied in another inscription (https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2022/10/proof-positive-that-vexillations-are.html), they refused to let go of their "theory" on LAC's governorship of Britain, saying that vexillations cannot be implied on his stone. 

Beyond this, they had initially refused to accept LAC as the leader of the 1500 because they had decided the legionary troops had been led by someone else - namely, by the Priscus who had been dismissed from Britain when the soldiers tried to make him Emperor.  This notion came about through a hypothetical reconstruction of an inscription that might pertain to the same man (although, as Roger Tomlin pointed out, such a conclusion is not at all certain).  But even if we accept that the Priscus of the extremely fragmentary stone in question is the same man, an alternate - and acceptable - reconstruction of the word used to designate Britain is GERMANICARUM.  The best idea is that this Priscus (?) was leading German troops against the 'deserters' of the Maternus revolt - and, indeed, it is probable that this revolt started in Germania.  Furthermore, that a man who had been removed from Britain out of fear he would become a rival Emperor would, almost immediately, have been given command of a large number of British troops ON THE CONTINENT is, frankly, absurd.

When this new treatment of the Priscus (?) inscription had been revealed to Malcor et al, they suddenly became much more amenable to the notion that LAC led the 1500 men himself.  After all, such an ackowledgment made LAC an even greater officer in their eyes.  

Well, what they had not bothered to take into account is if we accept that LAC led the 1500 spearmen to Rome, which is THE ONLY EXTANT EXAMPLE OF THE MOVEMENT OF BRITISH LEGIONARY DETACHMENTS RECORDED IN THE HISTORICAL SOURCES FOR THE TIME PERIOD IN QUESTION, we are placing him between the recall of the British governor Marcellus and the appointment of the new governor Pertinax.  This is signficant because scholars are united in their conviction that during this gap in governors, a iuridicus named M. Antius Crescens Calpurnianus was acting governor.  As the province can't have two governors at once, LAC was, obviously, not the acting governor during this period.  

Furthermore, as Tomlin notes, once Perennis was dead, his policy of replacing the senatorial legates with equestrians was reversed (p. 170, BRITANNIA ROMANA: ROMAN INSCRIPTIONS & ROMAN BRITAIN).  Thus we would have the legates once more commanding the legions, and Pertinax coming in as governor.  There is no room for an equestrian commander of all the legions, or even of one legion, during this time period.  

When faced with this contradiction, Malcor et al decided on two courses of action: either deny that Crescens was governor when everyone else said he was (!), perhaps moving him to the period between Pertinax and Albinus, or propose that while Crescens was acting governor, this indicated only an administrative function, which allows LAC to play the role of supreme military commander and still, somehow, be the effective governor.

Neither position, as it happens, is at all defensible.  

Firstly, a senator who is acting governor is just that.  There is no other governor at the same time, and certainly not an equestrian one.  Secondly, if LAC were the supreme commander of the entire province's army, the de facto governor, his presence in Britain would have been of paramount importance. He would not have left the province with legionary detachments to go to Rome.  He would have assigned another officer that task, most likely one of the other legionary commanders.  That he did undertake the mission himself serves to prove that his dux title was exactly what we would expect it to be: an designation for an officer who had been given temporary command of a military force in order to accomplish a specific, limited objective.  

But let us return to the most important question of all in this argument: whether or not Crescens was actually acting governor when LAC went to Rome.  One thing is certain, though.  In the words of Roger Tomlin (BRITANNIA ROMANA: ROMAN INSCRIPTIONS AND ROMAN BRITAIN, p. 170), when Perennis was killed "his policies [the replacement of legionary legates in Britain with equestrians] were reversed."  Thus with the installation of the new senatorial goveror Pertinax, legates were once again made commanders of the legions.   Birley (p. 263 THE ROMAN GOVERNMENT OF BRITAIN) discusses a legionary legate who served under Pertinax in 185 or 186.  Tomlin also treats of this man (pp. 170-171 BRITANNIA ROMANA: ROMAN INSCRIPTIONS AND ROMAN BRITAIN). 

This means, of course, that the only time LAC the equestrian could have commanded the Sixth Legion in place of a legionary legate was in the interval between Marcellus and Pertinax.  And it was during this interval that he would have led the 1500 spearmen to Rome to remove Perennis from power.
  
It was also during this interval that M. Antius Crescens Calpurnianus was the senatorial acting governor.   

We, therefore, simply have no possible scenario which allows us to accept LAC as acting governor or commander of all Britain (assuming, for the sake of argument, that we accept the unsupportable  notion that dux could designate an equestrian  governor for Britain prior to the reign of Gallienus in the 3rd century).  

[It is important to add at this juncture that LAC would not need an additional title to refer to his being made commander of the Sixth Legion in place of a senatorial legate.  The following on this matter is from Prof. Roger Tomlin:

"I don't know any instance of an equestrian legatus. If an equestrian officer replaced the senatorial legate, he would have called himself praefectus. I think this is the rule, and that you are right in thinking the title legatus was reserved for senators. After all, when legions were regularly commanded by equestrians in the second half of the third century, they were called praefecti!

He was an equestrian appointed to command the legion. In that sense he 'replaced' the legate, but he was not 'acting' for him (pro legato), i.e. filling the space until a new legate was appointed or the existing legate returned to his post.

You would have to suppose that Perennis allowed them to usurp the title of legatus, and I am sure there is no instance of this in an inscription. The literary reference to his appointment of equestrians to command legions does not require this in the least. He simply extended the practice of appointing equestrian 'prefects' to the Egyptian legions, like Severus with his prefect of Leg. II Parthica, a command equivalent to the equestrian prefect of the Praetorian Guard."

'Prefect' is the title of certain legionary commanders, e.g. in Egypt, and might well have been used by Perennis to describe 'his' legionary commanders. After all, this was a logical reform which anticipates the third century: legions were now being commanded by officers of long experience, instead of senators with only a year or two's experience as tribune. We tend to see the reform in political terms – the diminished power of the Senate – but in fact it makes military sense.

Would you rather serve in a battalion commanded by a Congressman, or a GI of fifteen years' service?"]

Malcor et al have dismissed Birley's placement of Crescens as acting governor of Britain c. 184-185 as mere "opinion."  They have gone so far as to select any cautious, qualifying term he may have used in his treatment of Crescens, any minor caveat, and put such forward as "proof" that his "opinion" should not be given any weight or that it is no more valuable than any other "opinion" - most particularly their own.  

Needless to say, this is not only an unfair representation of Birley's analysis of the iuridicus's tenure in Britain, but a deceptive and dangerous attempt to slur what is the prevailing view among all the top scholars I have consulted on the matter.  

So, to properly represent the case Birley makes in his THE GOVERNMENT OF BRITAIN, I am first posting his discussion of Crescens.  Note, most importantly, his reference to the death of a quindecimvir  c.185.  He very plausibly argues that it was this man whom Crescens replaced as a reward for his service in Britain.

Following Birley, I am going to list the various scholars who - thus far! - have responded to my query on the reliability of Birley in this context.  As additional responses come in (from Peachin, Richardson, Israelowich, de Plessis, Verboven, Memeti, Tuori and Ando), I will add them to the appropriate section of this blog post.  Thus far, I have heard back from academics who are considered the top people in their respective specializations, including men such as Prof. Dr. Dr. Dr. Detef Liebs, the world's foremost expert on Roman iuridici in the provinces, and Prof. Benet Salway, with a research interest in Roman Law.  Prof. Roger Tomlin chimes in with his "opinion" (something that has been consistently denigrated and devalued by Malcor et al) - despite universal consensus that he is indisputably the world's leading Romano-British epigrapher.  Some other scholars of high repute (like Lawrence Keppie) are tossed in for good measure. 

At the very end I am offering all four of the inscriptions on Crescens as found in the CIL. 

I no longer have any doubts that the best reading of the DUX phrase on the Castus stone is one that refers to his leading legionary detachments to Rome to remove Perennis.  And I can find no reason whatsoever to support a theory that ignores the proper use of DUX in this phrase and seeks to either diminish the capacity of Crescens as acting governor during this time or remove him from the time period entirely.  And there is no way anyone will allow LAC as supreme commander of the entire provincial army (in a time of crisis!) to have left the province and traveled to Rome with 1500 men.  [Never mind that when Marcellus was recalled, the army was in a state a revolt. Is Commodus - or Perennis - for that matter, going to appoint the commander of the Sixth Legion as acting governor when the province is rising up against the authorities?]

This is my last and final treatment of this subject, and I will not be engaging in further debates concerning it.    

FROM ANTHONY BIRLEY'S 'THE ROMAN GOVERNMENT OF BRITAIN':


"As well as the legionary legate Priscus, a iuridicus can be identified who served under Marcellus, Antius Crescens, later acting-governor (Gov. 34). His appointment at a time when the governor was heavily occupied in the north fits the theory that the British iuridicus was not a regular official.

The war was ended by Ulpius Marcellus (Gov. 33) in 184, when Commodus took the title Britannicus. Marcellus was apparently in office for at least seven years. During the remainder of Commodus’ reign there were problems within the army: a legionary legate named Priscus (LL 35, cf. 36) was invited to become emperor by the troops; the legionary legates were replaced for a time by equestrian prefects; a iuridicus evidently served as acting-governor; and the British legionaries continued to be mutinous for some time. 

The acting-governorship of this man is known only from this fragmentary inscription. An approximate chronology may be obtained, for he is also named on three other, dated, inscriptions. Two at Ostia show his presence there as pontifex Volcani in 194 and 203; the third, the Acta of the Saecular Games of 204, attests his participation as a quindecimvir.¹⁴⁹ His tenure of that priesthood is registered on his cursus inscription in what seems to be chronological order. This led to the conclusion that his service in Britain, mentioned next, must have come not long before 204. Early 203 was excluded, since he was at Ostia on 24 March in that year, and it was assumed that he was acting governor c.200 on the death or sudden departure of Virius Lupus (Gov. 37).¹⁵⁰

But nothing whatever is known about the end of Lupus’ governorship, so this dating lacks any basis. Crescens was elected to the college after service in Britain and before the proconsulship of Macedonia. But it does not follow that he held these posts just before the games of 204. If he was praetor at the normal age, 29, his service in Britain probably came when he was in his midthirties (the cura of an Italian community and the legateship in a proconsular province would not occupy more than three years or so). Hence he probably became a quindecimvir at about 38. He could have remained an active member for at least another twenty years.

Acting-governorships were the product of special circumstances, in most cases (before the third century) the sudden death of the governor. Sometimes an imperial procurator assumed the role, but there are several cases where a legionary legate took over. One precedent in Britain is from the year 69, when the legionary legates governed the province jointly after the flight of the governor Trebellius Maximus (Gov. 7, cf. LL 8). Under Domitian a legionary legate called Ferox (LL 12) may have been acting-governor after the death of Sallustius Lucullus (Gov. 12). In 184 or soon after, when Ulpius Marcellus was recalled, there were no legionary legates, as they had been replaced by equestrians (see under Gov. 33). Hence it is plausible that Crescens was acting governor for several months—as the only senator left in the province. He presumably remained in post, the army still being mutinous, until the arrival of Pertinax in 185.¹⁵¹

A quindecimvir died c.185, C. Aufidius Victorinus (cos. II ord. 183) (Dio 72. 11. 1).¹⁵² Calpurnianus could have replaced him—as a reward for meritorious service in Britain. That might also explain his relatively rapid progress to the consulship, after only one further post, as proconsul of Macedonia. By contrast, Sabucius Major (iurid. 5), after being iuridicus of Britain not long before Crescens, went on to be prefect of the military treasury, governor of Belgica, and proconsul of Achaia, before becoming consul in 186."

SCHOLARLY SUPPORT FOR BIRLEY'S ANALYSIS OF CRESCENS' CAREER

"mit M. Antius Crescens Calpurnianus habe ich mich bisher nicht näher beschäftigt. Er war zwar Senator und dadurch auch hoher Richter, z. B. iuridicus in Britannien. Aber, anders als heutzutage, bedeutete das in Rom meines Erachtens nicht, dass er auch Jurist war, s. etwa Ammian 23,6,82; näher dazu in den angehängten Aufsätzen. Und schon gar nicht kann man ihn meines Erachtens als Provinzialjuristen buchen, zu denen ich nur Fachjuristen zählen würde, die hauptsächlich in einer bestimmten Provinz als Juristen arbeiteten.

Aber abgesehen davon sind Anthony Birleys Arbeiten, zumal die prosopografischen auch für mich immer eine Bereicherung gewesen.

I have not dealt with M. Antius Crescens Calpurnianus in detail. He was a senator and therefore also a high judge, e.g. B. iuridicus in Britain. But, unlike today, in Rome I don't think that meant that he was also a lawyer, cf. eg Ammianus 23:6,82; more details in the attached essays. And certainly not in my opinion one can book him as a provincial lawyer, to which I would only count specialist lawyers who mainly worked as lawyers in a certain province.

But apart from that, Anthony Birley's works, especially the prosopographic ones, have always been an asset for me too."

- Detlef Liebs

"I don’t know of any discussion that offers anything more than Birley’s Roman Government of Britain (2005). He offers a very good case for why Calpurnianus, as iuridicus, might be required to step up and become governor: in that, in the absence of senatorial legionary legates (because they had been dismissed, he argues), Calpurnianus would have been the most senior senator in the province."

- Benet Salway

"I don't have anything to add to this, except that Tony Birley is usually correct in his judgments."  

- Lawrence Keppie

"I think Birley's assessment is excellent. The only hard date is 204, when he is independently attested as XVvir sf, an appointment which apparently followed his service in Britain. But, as Birley shows, there is no need to take 204 as the date of his appointment; nor to suppose that this was soon after his service in Britain. The hiatus after Ulpius Marcellus Birley shows is a likely moment when the (senatorial) iuridicus, not an equestrian prefect, might have replaced him temporarily.

185 seems good to me."

- Roger Tomlin

"As for the governor's term of office, although there seems not to have been a fixed term, based on the fasti of officials as used as a base for the Prosopographia Imperii Romani (PIR) and the Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire (PLRE) scholars generally assume that the term was between 1 to 3 years, but in some case we have evidence for longer terms of offices. I always assume that such longer - exceptional - terms were generated by specific local circumstances. In such cases emperors might have asked governors to stay longer (but only if they really trusted these men not to be acclaimed emperor then by troops in those regions as we see happening in the third century). So Albinus could have certainly been there longer.  We have no evidence that there was a governor in between.

As for the case of Marcus Antius Crescens Calpurnianus, I do not see any reason to assume that his position was instead taken up by an equestrian prefect.  I would certainly trust Birley's judgement." 

- Daniëlle Slootjes

"When Commodus dismissed the consular Ulpius Marcellus from the governorship of Britain in the AD 180s, he appointed the iuridicus M. Antius Crescens Calpurnianus as acting governor."

- Caillan Davenport

To my knowledge, certainly, I am not aware of anything new that would disrupt the existing narrative. Provincial jurists like Crescens are a fascinating topic and, especially for Britain, close to my heart.

-  Paul J. du Plessis

Prof. Dr. Jakab Éva,  Head of the Department of Roman Law at the Faculty of Law and Political Sciences at the University of Szeged
agrees with Anthony Birley in assigning M. Antius Crescens Calpurnianusto the years 184-185.


"The cursus-inscription of M. Antius Crescens Calpurnianus (CIL VI 1336 = ILS 1151), known as XVvir sacris faciundis in the year 204 (CIL VI 3236,50), presents another problem. CIL VI 1336 True, the damaged stone obviously carried his full career, and it was most probably recorded in descending order. But the consulship is restored, and, as A.R.Birley recently noticed, [c.v.] would be equally possible, pointing conveniently to ILS 1150, another XVvir. Indeed, his referring to this inscription ( = CIL V 4341), set up in honour of M. Nonius Arrius Paulinus Aper, is very much to the point, as it displays in an equally thorough way the man's career, without mentioning a consulship. This magistracy is not known for Aper from other sources; neither is it for Crescens. There may be some truth in Birley's observation that, "if Antius Crescens was indeed iuridicus [i.e.Britanniae vice legati] in the 180s, he no doubt did achieve the consulship eventually, whether or not it was recorded on ILS 1151". But even then, we still cannot say with certainty that the consulship came directly after the proconsulship of Macedonia, which can be regarded as his last known praetorian post.13

  13 A.R.Birley, The Fasti of Roman Britain, Oxford 1981,138 n.9; ib. 137 the end of line 3 in the inscription is rightly rendered as [cos.?]. In his description of Crescens' career Birley accepts the consulship without any reservation (see esp. 138), as I did too, see Konsuln 61. 72. 147. 233. 302 (Macedonia "wahrscheinlich sein letztes Amt vor seinem Suffektkonsulat"); in the survey of his career on p.391 [suff.] is given wrongly without a question mark. Cf. also Jacques, Curateurs 79 where co(n)s(uli) is rendered, as if the indication is preserved on the stone."

- P.M.M. Leunissen

THE INSCRIPTIONS OF M. ANTIUS CRESCENS CALPURNIANUS

publication: CIL 14, 00324 (p 614) = EE-09, p 335 = D 04176 = CCCA-03, 00364 = Ostia 00037c = FTD-06, p 94 
dating: 203 to 203         EDCS-ID: EDCS-55400006
province: Latium et Campania / Regio I         place: Ostia Antica
P(ublio) Cl(audio) P(ubli) f(ilio) Horat(ia) / Abascantiano / fil(io) dulcissi/mo P(ublius) Cl(audius) / Abascantus / pater / q(uin)q(uennalis) II corp(oris) dendro/phorum Ostiens(ium) // M(arcus) Antius Crescens Calpur/nianus pontif(ex) Vol<c=K>(ani) / et aedium sacror(um) statu/am poni in campo Matris // deum infantilem permisi / VIIII Kal(endas) April(es) / [[Plautiano]] II et Geta co(n)s(ulibus)
inscription genus / personal status: officium/professio;  sacerdotes pagani;  tituli honorarii;  tituli operum;  tria nomina;  viri
material: lapis

publication: CIL 14, 00325 (p 614) = CCCA-03, 00363 = Ostia 00037b = FTD-06, p 93 
dating: 194 to 194         EDCS-ID: EDCS-05700325
province: Latium et Campania / Regio I         place: Ostia Antica
X[3]III Kal(endas) [3] / [L(ucio) Se]ptimio Severo Pertinace Aug(usto) II / [D(ecimo) Clodio Septimio Albino Caes(are)] co(n)s(ulibus) // [3 die]s III Kale[ndas 3] / [P(ubli)] Clau[d(i)] Vera[ti Abascantiani] / [s]umm(as) dies VIII [I]du[s I]anuar(ias) / [dies supra s]criptos non observaverit / summas s(upra) s(criptas) rei public(ae) / [Ost(iensis?)] refundi sic pactus est // [M(arcus) Antius Cresce]ns Calpurnianus v(ir) c(larissimus) / [pontif(ex) Volcani] et aedium sacrar(um) / [si fiat sine ve]xatione ullius statuae / [ante positae ut]ramque statuam in/[scriptione ins]cri<p=B>t(am) constituere / [permitto d(omino)] n(ostro) Imp(eratore) Septimio Aug(usto) II / co(n)s(ule)
inscription genus / personal status: ordo senatorius;  sacerdotes pagani;  tituli honorarii;  tituli operum;  tituli sacri;  viri
material: lapis

 CIL 06, 41177 = CIL 06, 01336 (p 3141, 3805) = CIL 06, 31634 = D 01151 
dating: 185 to 204         EDCS-ID: EDCS-01000297
province: Roma         place: Roma
M(arco) An[tio 3] / Crescent[i] / Calpurniano [c(larissimo) v(iro?)] / proc[o](n)s(uli) prov(inciae) M[ac(edoniae)] / XVvi[ro s(acris)] f(aciundis) iurid(ico) Brit(anniae) / vice leg(ati) leg(ato) pr(o) pr(aetore) / prov(inciae) [Cypr]i(?) [cur(atori)] r(ei) [p(ublicae)] / Mars[or(um) Marruvior(um)] / pr[aet(ori)
inscription genus / personal status: ordo senatorius;  tituli honorarii;  tria nomina;  viri

publication: CIL 06, 32326 = CIL 06, 32327 = CIL 06, 32328 = CIL 06, 32329 = CIL 06, 32330 = CIL 06, 032331 = CIL 06, 32332 = CIL 06, 23333 = CIL 06, 32334 (p 3824) = D 05050a = EAOR-01, 00043 = AE 1932, 00070 = AE 1935, +00026 = AE 1949, +00154 = AE 1949, +00186 = AnalEpi p 93 = Schnegg-2020, p 287 = +Epigraphica-2019-401          EDCS-ID: EDCS-20500148
province: Roma         place: Roma
[Comme]ntarium [ludorum saecu]lar[iu]m [se]ptim[orum editorum] / [Imp(eratore) Caes(are) L(ucio) S]eptimio Sev[ero Pio] Pertina[ce] Aug(usto) Arabico A[d]iabenico Parthico [max(imo) pont(ifice) max(imo)] / tri[b(unicia) p]otest(ate) XI[I] et / [Imp(eratore) Ca]es(are) M(arco) Aurelli[o(!) Anto]nino Pio Aug(usto) [[et [P(ublio) Se]ptimio Geta nob(ilissimo) Caes(are)]] / [[[et C(aio) Fulvio Plau]tiano pr(aefecto) pr(aetorio)]] prid(ie) [3]ias in comitio in curia Iulia XVv[ir]i s(acris) f(aciundis) an[te] suggestum a[m]plissim[orum] / [consulum consti]terunt ex q[uibus Maniliu]s Fus[cu]s mag(ister) collegii ex libello [l]egit / [3 denu]o tempore sa[e]cul[i veteris lapso] admon[eat 3] vos celebritatis fest(a)e annus pro[vi]dentia principalis est p[atru]m cu[ra or]igo lu[dorum 3] / [3 saecula]rium adi[m]pleri per [eos celebrita]temque pu[blicam m]onitu vetustissimae v[ati]s instituta sit pervig[ili] cura patrare p[rovisu]m est u[t recte f]ieri p[ossint 3] / [3] in [3]r et deorum [3]i cultus s[acris sollem]nibus impleatur [i]n merito et immortale [3 q]uae aliis [3]erm[3]us bon[3]cu[3] / [3 imp]artierit ubert[3 i]n hoc saecu[lum cura maxi]morum p[rincipum no]strorum contulerunt [3] memin[isse 3]us quom[odo 3] / [3] fructum felicita[3] erant I[3]ID[3] frequentandum d[3 t]ribuerun[t 3]as vindici[3] / [3 fru]gum tempestates I[3 a]nnalium [3] auspicia ci[3]tatis sa[3 s]aeculariu[m 3]que decru[m 3] / diligen[ter 3]ternata est ut ad fi[3]bus adpetere m[3 ab] urbe condita nungentesimus quinquagensimus se[xtus] ann[u]s sit ex [3 ludorum] / saeculariu[m 3 post an]nos urbi[s CCL]XXXXVII e[3] vetustum et I[3 per] magistros collegi(i) M(arco) Valerio Spurio Ve[rg]in[io co(n)s(ulibus) i]nst[itutu]m sit non ali[ter 3] / adiacta in[3 fe]riae edi[3] festin[a 3]eni [3]o [3 tem]poribus [ab] origine sescente{n}[simi 3 et s]exage{n}simi anni [3] / temporis c[3] est fact[a saec]uli n[3]egent fac[3]ratum superius patefecit [3]ur auspiciis [3] / celebravi[t Septimius Severus Augustus Opti]mus im[p(erator) cum A]nton[ino Aug]usto [[et Ge[ta nob(ilissimo) Caes(are) et pr(aefecto) pr(aetorio)]] 3 ludos se]ptimos saeculares [3] Numin[i 3 cu]m propagi[ne] / subsidia V[3]V et A[3 p]ueri [3 te]mpus adolesce[ntiae 3 q]uae sunt saecu[lares(?) 3]D Iuno Lucina et(?) [3]u advocabunt / piis vocib[us 3]tum [sac]erd[3] Imperator sup[3]am nos devotioni[s qu]os d[3] adder[e] felici numero / rectoru[m 3 a]ugebit [3 fel]icitatis teneo [memoria quod cecinit Sibylla 3 longissimum] inquit humanae vi[tae te]mpu[s centesi]mus et d[ec]imus annus e[st] / et ideo te[stor 3 ludi saecul]ares ag[ant]ur [3]tur ergo Antonino fili[o 3] futurorum inter l[udos laetitia] et ga[ud]ia generis / huma[ni 3 prae]sentium bonorum et ad spem futur[orum vobis curandum e]st p(atres) c(onscripti) ut{e}i saecula Ro[mania] temporis ratione poscente imm[inentia t]ot gen[it]alibus prosper[a] / com[3]st [sacra solle]mnia in annum decernatis sumptusque communi e[xpensa f]ieri iubeatis omnique cultu a<t=D>q[ue] veneratione immor[talium pro secu]rita[te] a<t=D>que aeterni/t[ate 3 sa]nctissimo[sque loco]s agendis habendisque gratiis frequentetis ut o[mnia dii] Immortales referant quae maior[e]s nostri condiderunt qu[aeque 3]b[3]a contulerint / [3 temporib]us no[s]tris [3]runt a<t=D>que ita Calpurnius Maximus [v(ir) c(larissimus)] ex manuario legit / [3 XVviri s(acris) f(aciundis)] cc(larissimi) vv(iri) pro temporum laetitia et felicitate Sanctissimorum Piissimorumque principum nn(ostrorum) de ludi{bu}s saecularib[us] verba feceri[nt et 3 videatur petend]um ad Optim[is] / [3 Sanctissimis Piissimisq]ue prin[ci]pibus nostris Imp(eratore) Caes(are) L(ucio) Septimio Severo Pio Pertinace Aug(usto) Arabico Adiabenico Parthico maximo fortissimo felicissimo p(atre) p(atriae) [et Imp(eratore) Caes(are) M(arco) Aurellio Anton]ino Pio / [Aug(usto) [[et P(ublio) Septmio] Geta nob(ilissimo) Caesare]] uti lud(os) saeculares qui so[li]ti sunt inter centum et decem annos fieri faciant sequenti anno iis diebu[s quibus eos edere convenit Imperat]orum / [nn(ostrorum) 3 decreto] et X[V]virorum s(acris) f(aciundis) cc(larissimorum) vv(irorum) inque eos ludos sacrificiaque [sumptu]s ex aerario populi Romani fiant feriaeque serventur iis diebus quibus t[am 3 clari ludi celebrab]untur / [nomina quoque 3 reo]ru[m] aboleantur luctus[que femin]arum [3 felicita]ti o<b=P>sit memoria tantae religionis con[tinuo t]ridu[o 3 ma]rmor / [3]era in a[3] otio[3] ludi futuri [3] adfuer(unt) i[3] / [3]mess C[3]istr[3]r quietus qu[3] / [3]CV [3]r serva[3] / [3 Imp(eratoris) Caes(aris) L(uci) Septimi Severi Pii Pertinacis Aug(usti) Arabici Adiabenici Parthici maxim]i fortis[simi f[elicissimi pat(ris) pa[tr(iae) 3] / [3]turi pro [3]Q[3] / [3]e correxeris [3]us [3] / [3]bus n[ost]ris [3 Ro]manum imperiu[m 3] / [[6]] / [3 h]oc quoque contu[3] / [3 Imp(eratore) Caesare L(ucio) Septimio Severo Pio Pertinace A]ug(usto) Arabico Adiab[enico] / [Pa]rthico ma[ximo fortissimo felicissimo p(atre) p(atriae) et Imp(eratore) Caesare M(arco) Aurellio Antonino Pio Aug(usto) et [[P(ublio) Septimio Geta nob(ilissimo) Caes(are)]] 3 fier]i soliti sunt int[er] / [c]entum et decem [annos 3 om]nia collegia sacerd[otum] / [e]t senatores qui quo[3 fer]ias servandas [3] / diebus quibus tam sol[lemni 3]a occupaverit accus[ato]/[ri]bus repetendi reos su[os 3] / [ce]nseo commentarium lud[orum saecularium 3] sunt consecrent[3] / eas quoque res pecuniam [3] / Idibus Novembribus in Palat[io 3]rom[3 Antius] / Crescens Calpurnianus C[3] quin m[3] / Atulenus Rufinus [3]umo an[3] / administrationem tempor[3] prius p[3] / fieri conveniret esset fi[3] / Imp(erator) Caes(ar) divi Marci Antonini P[ii Germanici Sarmatici f(ilius) divi Commodi frater divi Antonini Pii nep(os) divi Hadriani pronep(os) divi Traiani Parthici abn(epos) divi Nervae adn(epos)] L(ucius) Sep[timius Severus Pius Pertinax] / Aug(ustus) Arab(icus) Adiab(enicus) Parthi[cus maximus pont(ifex) max(imus) trib(unicia) pot(estate) XII imp(erator) XI co(n)s(ul) III pat(er) patr(iae) et Imp(erator) Caes(ar) M(arcus) Aurellius Antoninus Pius Aug(ustus) [[et P(ublius) Septimius Geta nob(ilissimus) Caes(ar)]] Imp(erator) Caes(aris)] L(uci) Sep[timi Severi Pii Pertinacis Aug(usti)] / Arab(ici) Adiab(enici) Parth(ici) m[aximi filii divi Marci Antonini Pii Germanici Sarmatici nepotes divi Antonini Pii pronepotes divi Hadriani abnepotes divi Traiani Parthici et divi Nervae adnepotes] / [ ]ivi[3] / [3 a(nte) d(iem)] XVII Kal(endas) Ma[ias 3 de epistula] ab Impp(eratoribus) missa act(a) in haec verb[a] Im[p(erator) Caes(ar) L(ucius) Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax Arab(icus) Adiab(enicus) Parth(icus) max(imus)] / [pont(ifex) max(imus) trib(unicia) pot(estate) XII imp(erator) XI co(n)s(ul) III pat(er) patr(iae) et Imp(erator) Caes(ar) M(arcus) Aurellius Ant]oninus Pii Augg(usti) XVvir(orum) co[llegis] sa[lutem] si vobis videtur VIII Kal(endas) Iun(ias) pro[xi]mas conven[ite in Palatio in aede Apollinis 3] / [ad sortiendum qui quibus locis in tribunalibus suffime]nta populo distribuere debeant valete c[oll]egae carissimi nobis Pompeius Rusonianus ma[g(ister) legit Imp(erator) Caes(ar) L(ucius) Septimius Severus] / [3 et Imp(erator) Caes(ar) M(arcus) Aurellius Anto]ninus Pii Augg(usti) XVvir(orum) collegi(i)s salutem si de is diebus ac noctibus consulitis quibus ludos saeculares ed[i oportebit 3] / [3 simul quib]us odoribus supplicare matronae debeant statuemus valete collegae carissimi nobis Pompeius Ruson[ianus mag(ister) legit] / [3 a(nte) d(iem) VIII Kal(endas)] Iun(ias) in Palatio in aede Apollinis collegium convenit ad sortiendum qui quibus locis in tribunalibus su[ffimenta populo distribuere deberent 3] / sub [3 adfuerunt Imp(erator) Caes(ar) L(ucius) Sep]timius Severus Pius Pertinax Aug(ustus) Arab(icus) Adiab(enicus) Parth(icus) max(imus) et Imp(erator) Caes(ar) M(arcus) Aurellius Antoninus Pius Aug(ustus) [3 Nonius Arri]/us M[ucianus(?) 3 Poll]ienus Auspex Manilius Fuscus Cocceius Vibianus Atulenus Rufinus Aiacius Modestus Fabius Magnu[s 3 Iulius Pompeius] / Rusonianus m[ag(ister) collegii Antius Crescens Calpu]rnianus Cassius Pius Marcellinus quaestor desig(natus) Ulpius Soter co(n)s(ul) desig(natus) Venidius Rufus [curat(or)] al<v=B>ei [Tiberis 3 Fulvius] / Granianus q(uaestor) Augg(ustorum) [3 tesseris] inspectis et in urnam missis sors habita est in Palatio in tribunali Augustorum nn(ostrorum) quod [est in area aedis Apollinis Ulpius Soter co(n)s(ul) designatus cui Pollienus Auspex] / [et] Salvius Tuscus applicit[i sunt 3 in tribunali quod es]t ad Romam quadratam Nonius Mucianus Aiacius Modestus Atul[e]nus [Ru]f[i]nus [3] / [Of]ilius Macedo ante aedem [3] F[ulvius] Fuscus Vetina Mamertinus ante ae[dem 3 Coccei]/us Vibianus sortib[us ductis eodem die edictum propositum est in haec verba Imp(erator) Caes(ar) divi Marci Antonini Pii Germanici Sarmatici filius divi Com]/modi frater divi Antonin[i Pii nepos divi Hadriani pronepos divi T]raiani Parthici ab[nepos divi Nervae adnepos L(ucius) Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax Aug(ustus) Arab(icus) Adiab(enicus) Parthicus max(imus) pont(ifex) max(imus) trib(unicia) pot(estate) XII imp(erator) III co(n)s(ul) III] / pat(er) patr(iae) et Imp(erator) Caes(ar) M(arcus) Aure[llius Antoninus Pius Aug(ustus) tr(ibunicia) pot(estate)] VII co(n)s(ul) [[et P(ublius) Septimius Geta nob(ilissimus) Caes(ar)]] Imp(eratoris) Caes(aris) L(uci) Septimi Severi Pii Pertinacis Aug(usti) Arab(ici) Adiab(enici) Parth(ici) maximi filii divi Marci Antonini Pii Germanici Sarmatici nepotes] / divi Antonini Pii pronepotes [divi Hadriani abnepotes divi] Traiani Parthici et divi Ne[rvae adnepotes cum ceteris XVviris s(acris) f(aciundis) dicunt 3 ludos saeculares septimos] / celebraturi admonemus quib[us 3]A conveniatis quo diebus quoque [noctibus tribus 3 ad ea sollemnia conveniendum erit] / quo laetitiae publicae fructus a[d un]iversos [cives perveniat 3 l]udis saecularibus quos edituri sumus placere [3 reorum] / nomina abolenda ita uti pos[t d]iem trice{n}simu[m accusatoribus 3 eo]s re[p]etendi ius sit edicendum existima[vimus 3] / sit ratio admonemus Quirite[s d]ominos urbano[s et suburbanos 3 eos quoq]ue qui mercede habitant in noctibu[s feriarum illarum 3 ut una cum mili]/tibus nostris circumeuntibus [reg]ionum tutelam [diligenter admistrent 3 a(nte) d(iem)] VII Kal(endas) Iun(ias) Impp(eratores) Severus et A[ntoninus Augg(usti) 3 in Palatio] / in area aedis Apollinis ubi cu[m a]dscendissen[t in tribunal suffi]menta dederunt [3 equestri ordi]/ni et plebei populoque Roma[no i]bi relictis [3 Ulpio Sotere co(n)]s(ule) designato Pollieno [Auspice et Salvio Tusco 3] / ceteri XVviri praetextati [que]m quisq[ue locum sortitus est 3 ibi in tribunal ascenderu]nt et suffim[ent]a populo div[iserunt 3 Impp(eratores)] / [S]everus et Antoninus Au[gg(usti) nn(ostri)] [[3]]] eoru[m 3] et suff[imenta populo diviserunt 3] / [3] et suffimenta divi[serunt 3 Imp(erator) Caes(ar)] / [L(ucius) Sep]timius Severus Piu[s Aug(ustus) 3] / [3 Nonius Arrius Mu]cianus Ai[acius Modestus Atulenus Rufinus 3 Fulvius] / [Fuscus] Gran[ianus q(uaestor) Augg(ustorum) Vetina Mamertinus 3 Iulius] / Pompeius Rus[onianus mag(ister) collegii XVvir(orum) Cocceius Vibianus 3]o[3]m[3] / a VIIII in XII C[3 C]assius M[arcell]inus [3]/nis Ulpius Sot[er co(n)s(ul) desig(natus) 3]manus [3]omis cum [p]opu/lo plebeiq[ue 3 S]ci[pionib]us {a}ebornis religionis / causa in ea [3] no[3] applicasset Severus / tunc pra[eit in haec verba 3 Iuppit]er [Optime M]axime Iuno Regina / bone pulch[er] Apo[llo 3]iqu[3 pie]ntissimosque / habeatis et libent[er 3 Iuliae] Aug(ustae) matri castror(um) / reique publicae [3]o [3 procu]raverunt / inde ad tribunal proc[esserunt 3]ca[3 in tri]bunali ad/scenderun[t] et [3]aris m[3 magist]ratibus eques/tre ordin[3] in cor[bibus 3 p]ositis / inde XVvir m[3 trib]unali ad[sc]en[so f]ruges quae a po/pulo plebe m[3 Pompei]us Ru[so]nian[us] magister Tarentum / lustravit s[3 lus]trandi piandique saecularis sacri / ludorumqu[e causa 3 qui edentur Imp(eratore) Caes(are) L(ucio) Septimio Severo Pio Pertinace Aug(usto) Arab(ico) Adiab(enico) Parthico maximo et Imp(eratore) Cae]s(are) M(arco) Aurellio Antonino Pio Aug(usto) [[et]] / [[P(ublio) Septimio [Geta nob(ilissimo) Caes(are)]] 3] quod faust(um) felix salutar{a}eque sit / Imp(erator) Caes(ar) L(ucius) Septim[ius Severus Pius Pertinax Aug(ustus) Arab(icus) Adiab(enicus) Parthicus max(imus) et Imp(erator) Caes(ar) M(arcus) Aurellius Antoninus Pius Aug(ustus) 3 [[et P(ublius) Septimius Geta nob(ilissimus) Caes(ar)]]] quorum iussu mandatuque hanc / rem divina[m 3]v possent lustre[ti]s pie[t]is purgetis / quam optim[e 3[[3]]] imper[io eiu]s m[ih]ique / eorum lus[tr 3]us ius fas meliusque fuit h[unc] locum / lustrari p[iari purgari 3] quod cu[3]m hoc et [3 o]ptimoque ritu ab omni conta/mination[e 3]ulisset ad[3]i PRAE AV[3]mo Aug(ust) [[3]] / imperio [3 M]artias edic[t]um propos[itum est in haec verba 3] / Imp(erator) Caes(ar) divi [Marci Antonini Pii Germanici Sarmatici f(ilius) divi Commodi frater divi Antonini] Pii nepos divi [Had]riani pron[ep(os) divi Traiani Parthici abnep(os) divi Nervae adnep(os) L(ucius) Septimius Se]verus Pius Pertinax / Aug(ustus) Ar[ab(icus) Adiab(enicus) Parthic(us) max(imus) / pont(ifex) max(imus) trib(unicia) pot(estate) XII imp(erator) XI co(n)s(ul) III pat(er) patr(iae) et Imp(erator) Caes(ar) M(arcus)] Aurellius An[toninu]s Pius Au[g(ustus) [[et P(ublius) Septimius Geta nob(ilissimus) Caesar]] 3 Imp(eratoris) Caes(aris) L(uci) Septimi Severi P]ii Pertinacis Aug(usti) Arab(ici) / Adia[b(enici) Parthici maximi filii divi Marci Antonini Pii Germanici Sarmatici nep(otes) divi Anto]nini Pii pronep(otes) [divi Hadr]iani [abnepot(es) divi Traiani et divi Nervae adnep(otes) cum ceteris XVvir]is [s(acris)] f(aciundis) dicunt / ordinem [3]m providentia [3]cta[3]cta[3 c]ommu[n 3] populi / Rom[ani 3]rum ea quae it[3] qui praece[3]o susce/per[3]a sit ut in[3 in tribunali]bus suis di[str]ibu[erun]t prae/tex[tat 3]o primum [3]ctis secunda pe[r vi]am / sacr[am 3 thratrum M]arcelli porticum [3]/tica[3 o]deum [3 rip]am Tiberis laurum / cii[3]mura[3 adstantibus virginibus Vesta]libus Numisia / Ma[ximilla et Terentia Flavola 3] / a[3] / Iuppiter [Optimus Maximus 3] / da[3] Aug(ust) / po[nt(if) max(im) 3] motor/um [3 uti] vobis / in i[llis libris scriptum est quarum rerum ergo quodque melius siet p(opulo) R(omano) Quiritibus vobis 3 sacrum fiat vos quaeso precorque uti vos i]mpe/riu[m maiestatemque p(opuli) R(omani) Q(uiritium) duelli domique auxitis utique semper Latinus obtemperassit 3 uti sempiternam victoriam V]ale/tud[idem p(opulo) R(omano) Quiritibus duitis faveatisque p(opulo) R(omano) Quiritibus legionibusque p(opuli) R(omani)] Quiritium 3 remque p(ublicam) p(opuli) R(omani) Quiritium salvam servetis maioremque fa]/xi[tis uti siti volentes propitii p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) XVvir(or)um collegio mihi domo familiaeque 3 et uti huius sacrifici acceptores accep]/tric[es sitis 3] / haru[m rerum ergo macte 3] / et in [3 uti huius sacrifi accep]/tric[es sitis 3 estote fitote volentes propi]/tiae [p(opulo) R(omano) Quiritibus XVvir(or)um collego mihi domo familiaeque 3] / in omni[3] / Moerae uti v[obis in illis libris scriptum est quarum rerum ergo quodque melius sit p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) vobis VIIII agnis feminis et VIIII capris feminis propriis sacrum fiat vos quaeso precorque uti sitis volentes supre 3] / p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) XVv[ir(orum) collegio mihi domo familiaequae uti vos imperium maiestatemque p(opuli) R(omani) Q(uiritium) duelli domique auxitis uti semper latinus obtemperassit cetera ut supra 3] / additis in[3 uti huius] / sacrifici [acceptrices sitis VIIII agnarum feminarum et VIIII caprarum feminarum propriarum immolandarum 3 harum rerum ergo macte hac agna femina immolanda estote] / fitote vo[lentes propitiae p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) XVvir(or)um collegio mihi domo familiaeque 3 Iulius Pom]/peius Rus[onianus mag(ister) 3 Ulpi]/us Soter c[o(n)s(ul) desig(natus) 3] / Severus M[3 cui theatrum adiectum] / non erat [3] / structur[3] / quem quae [3]/rum arg[3] / haec verba [3 per]/vigilium c[elebrare 3 Iulia Aug(usta)] / coniuge Im[p(eratoris) 3] / isdem verbi[s 3] / prout quis f[3] / in ara lignea [temporali constituta 3 Severus] / Aug(ustus) sumpta t[unica fimbriata 3 prima pre]/catione ita pr[ecatus est 3 Iuppiter O(ptime) M(axime) uti tibi in illis libris scriptum est quarum rerum ergo quodque melius siet p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) tibi his bubus maribus duobus pulchris sacrum fiat 3 te quaeso precorque uti tu imperi]/um maiestat[emque populi R(omani) Q(uiritium) duelli domique auxis utique semper Latinus obtemperassit cetera ut supra 3] / dexteram hos [3 uti huius sacrifici] / acceptor sis bo[vis pulchri immolandi 3]/tiam iussit qu[3]O[3] / et in secundo [3 quindeci]mvir pur[3 preca]/tus est Iup[piter O(ptime) M(axime) uti tibi in il]lis libris scrip[tum est 3 quarum rerum ergo quodque m]elius [siet p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) tibi bove mari pulchro sacrum fiat te quaeso precorque uti sis volens propitius p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) XVvir(orum) collegio] / mihi domui f[amiliae 3 uti semper Lati]nus obtemper[assit cetera ut supra 3] mox har[usp]icatione e[3 bovum] / pulchr[o]rum [immolandorum 3 cult]ro pilum de fron[te] hos[tiae] secavit [et ac]cita corona praeeunte Antonino A[ug(usto) 3] / [3 cor]onis dandis esto fito volens propi[t]ius p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) XVvir(orum) collegio mihi domui fa[miliae 3] / [3]ibus per publicos collegi(i) suscepit ternaque aram adspersit deinde inc[3] / [3] re imperavit his verbis impero vobis aquam integram petatis qua divis[a 3] / [3] bov(u)m pulchrorum immola[ndorum 3]tu coron[3] / [3]o splanchna redder[e 3 i]ta pr[ecatus est 3] / e[3 spla]nchna [3]OM[3] / se[3 Ilithyiae uti vobis in illis libris scriptum est quarumque rerum ergo quodque melius siet p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) uti vobis novem libis popanis pthoibus sacrum fiat vos] / quae[so precorque uti vos imperium maiestatemque p(opuli) R(omani) Q(uiritium) duelli domique auxitis utique semper Latinus obtemperassit cetera ut supra 3] / vo[3] / f[3] / [3]DQ[3] / [3]r in ara [3] / [3] aqua sparsa [3 et ludos perspectaverunt in scaena cui theatrum adiectum] non erat adscenderu[nt in Capitolium Iulia Aug(usta) mater castror(um) coniunx Imp(eratoris) et matronae CVIIII] / [3]d sellisternia sua o[3 a(nte) d(iem) IIII Non(as) Iun(ias) Impp(eratores) Severus et Antoninus Augg(usti) [[et Geta nob(ilissimus) Caes(ar) cum pr(aefecto) pr(aetorio)]] et ceteris XVviris] praetextis sumptis et coronis [accitis de palatio in capitolium venerunt 3 ibi Severus Aug(ustus)] / [praeeun]te Antonino Aug(usto) filio [suo ture vino]que rem divinam feci[t 3 posita corona et p]raetexta adsistentibus G[[eta Caes(are)]] et pr(aefecto) pr(aetorio) et ceteris X[Vviris 3 retinens manibus] / [dextera et la]eva cultrum o<b=P>[liq(uum) c]otorium et pateram cum vino retinente pr{a}ecatione[[m Geta Caes(are)]] immol[avit I]unoni Reginae vaccam alb(am) Graeco achivo rit[u hac precatione Iuno Regina uti tibi in illis libris scriptum est quarumque] / [rerum e]rgo [quodque melius siet p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) u]ti tibi bove femina pulchra sacrum fiat te quaeso precor[que] uti [tu imperium maiestatemque p(opuli) R(omani) Q(uiritium) duelli domique auxis utique semper Latinus obtemperassit cetera ut supra 3] / [3] Iovi O(ptimo) M(aximo) inter [cenam sac]rificaverunt cum Augg{g}(ustis) Fabius Magnus Aiacius Modestus ib[i religio]nis causa epul[ati sunt 3 dein sumpta praetexta Severus et Antoninus Augg(usti) [[et Geta Caes(ar) et pr(aefetus) pr(aetori)]] cum ceteris] / [XV]viris ante cellam Iunon[is Regin]ae venerunt ibique Severus Aug(ustus) Iuliae Aug(ustae) matri castror(um) con[iugi Imp(eratoris) et] matronis CV[IIII quibus denuntiatum erat 3 adstantibus Numisia] / Maximilla et Terentia F[la]vola [v]irg(inibus) Vest(alibus) praeit in haec verba Iuno Regina ast quid est [quod melius] siet p(opulo) R(omano) [Q(uiritibus) 3 Iulia Aug(usta) et matres familias CVIIII p(opuli) R(omani)] Q(uiritium) nupt[ae genibus nixae te precemur oremus obse]/cremusqu{a}e uti tu im[peri]um maiestatem[que p(opuli) R(omani) Q(uiritium) du]elli domique auxis utique semper Latinu[m obtemperassit sempiternam victoriam valetudinem p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) duis faveasque 3] p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) legionibu[sque 3] / p(opuli) R(omani) Q(uiritium) remque publicam p(opuli) R(omani) Q(uiritium) salvam serve[s mairemque] faxis sisque volens propitia p(opulo) R(omano) [Q(uiritibus) XVviris s(acris) f(aciundis) nobis domibus familiis 3 haec Iulia Aug(usta) et matres familiae CVIIII] p(opuli) R(omani) Q(uiritium) nuptae genib[us nixae 3] / precamur o[r]amus obsecramusque [supplicaver(unt) m]atronae Fl(avia) Pollitta Manili [3] Atili Severi Rufria[3 Cal]/purn[i] [Maxi]mi Statilia M[3]a[3]V[3]nia Laeta Enni Marciani [3] Caecili Aristonis Ve[3] / [3]ia Pia Tibe[riana 3 A]viti L[3]elia [3 P]onti Paulini Magia [3] / [Valeri(?) 3 Ma]urici Fufid[ia 3 D]emetri Crepere[ia 3] / [3] Pontia Paulina [3] / [3]nis Cl(audia) Eudaem[3] / [3]la Atti Rufin[i 3] / [3] Festi Postumia [3] / [3]a Calpurni Front[i]n[i 3] / [3 Hort]ensia Polla Do[3] / [3]aca[3] / [3]illa Valeri Cresc[e]ntis Vibenn[ia 3] / [3]IVL[3] Iulia Taria Strat[o]nice Laber[i 3 Ro]mana Do[3] / [3]nia [[Luperciana]] Ulpi Pompeian[i] Domitia Flacilla Ulpi Antonini [3 Pa]ulina Caesenni Servili[ani 3] / [3]ni Ta[ri]a Cornelia Asiana Nummi Faustiniani C[laudia] Dryantilla Platonis Corneli Optat[i 3 e]questres Iulia Suem[ias Bassiana Vari Marcelli 3] / [3]a Urbiana Flavi Drusiani Caesennia Tusidiana Livi Rogati Claudia V[al]entina Aquili Agri[colae 3]elia Flaviana Tarroni [3] / [3] Campani trib(uni) Octavia Athenais Flavi Clementis trib(uni) Semproni[a Sp]oletina Corneli Fel[icis trib(uni) 3]rati trib(uni) Maria Passen[ia 3] / [3]ini primipil(aris) Aelia Gemellina Armeni Iuliani Antonia Tironilla Iuli Max[imi A]elia Marciana Cosin[i 3]tris[[3 sellis]]tern[ia 3] / [Dianae sellistern]ia eodem more per easdem matronas habita item XVviri s[ortiti sunt de praesession[e ludorum honorariorum 3 tes]seris in urnam com[missis 3] / [3]rnus pr(aetor) Aiacius Modestus Ofilius Macedo Nonius Arriu[s] Mucianus [Iulius] Pompeius Rusonianu[s mag(ister) collegi(i) Ulpius Soter co(n)s(ul) designatus] Cassius Pius Marc[ellinus q(uaestor) des(ignatus) 3 Vatina Mamertinus Crescens] / [Calpurnianus Sae]vinius Proculus Fulvius Granianus q(uaestor) Augg(ustorum) Gargil[ius] Antiq[uus Anil]ius Fuscus Venidiu[s Rufus cur(ator) alvei Tiberis 3] tunc a[d ludos saeculares consummandos in theatrum ligneum] / [proces]serun[t ibique ludi]s interfuerunt et e[odem die edictum propositum es]t l[udorum ho]norariorum in [haec verba Imp(erator) Caes(ar) divi Marci Antonini] Pii Germ(anici) Sarm(atici) [filius divi Commodi frater divi Anto]/[nini Pii] nep(os) divi Hadriani p[ronep(os) divi T]raiani [Parthici abnep(os) divi Nervae] adnep(os) L(ucius) [Septimius Sev]erus Pius Perti[nax Aug(ustus) Arab(icus) Adiab(enicus) Parth(icus) max(imus) pont(ifex) max(imus)] trib(unicia) pot(estate) XII imp(erator) [XI co(n)s(ul) III pat(er) patr(iae) et Imp(erator) Caes(ar) M(arcus) Aurelli]/[us Anto]ninus Pius Aug(ustus) trib(unicia) p[o]t(estate) VII co(n)s(ul) [[et P(ublius) Geta nob(ilissimus) Caes(ar)]] Imp(eratoris) Caes(aris) L(uci) Septimi Sever[i Pii Pertinacis A]ug(usti) Arab(ici) Adia[b(enici) Parth(ici) max(imi) f(ilii) divi Marci Pii Ger]manici Sarm(atici) nepo[tes divi Antonini Pii pronepotes] / [divi H]adriani abnepotes divi Tra(ia)ni Parth(ici) et divi Nervae adnep(otes) cum ceteris XVvir[is s(acris) f(aciundis) dicunt pera]ctis ludis [sollemnibus a(nte) d(iem) III Non(as) Iun(ias) ludos honor]arios quoque per [VII dies adiciemus prid(ie) Non(as)] / [easde]m item Nonarum die et VIII Id(us) easdem theatris tribus ligneo Pompeiano odi[o scaenica spect]acula quae s[u]mus e[dituri 3]is fr[3] / [dein die] VII Iduum earumdem circensium spectacula in circo maximo dabimus [ordo missuu]m misso primo quad[rigas singulas 3] ex[hibebimus qui vicerit accipiet HS 3 n(ummum) secundo HS 3 n(ummum)] / [3 tert]io HS IIII(milia) n(ummum) secun[d]o quoque missu quadrigarum eadem praemia dabuntur m[issu tertio q]ui bigam vicerit [a]ccipiet H[S 3 n(ummum) quarto missu desultores cursoresque mittemus ac]/[cipiet] qui vicerit HS VI(milia) n(ummum) secund(o) HS II(milia) n(ummum) tertio HS |(mille) n(ummum) post meridie quinto missu bigas m[ittemus] ad(iectis) HS X(milia) n(ummum) serva[t]a policit[atione 3 se]x[to mi]ssu desult[ores mittemus accipiet qui vi]/[cerit HS] VI(milia) n(ummum) secundo HS II(milia) n(ummum) tertio HS [|(mille)] n(ummum) septimo quadr[ig]as exhibebimus perceptu[ris primo pa]ri ac secundo tertioque H[S] daturo[s nos polli]citi sumus postqu[am circenses erunt perfecti] / [venati]onem parabimus fer[a]rum septingentarum cupiente[s] machinarum eventum provi[dere q]uamquam securit[a]ti vestrae p[rovi]derimus [alac]ri manu ubique vos [hortamur ut custodes atten]/[te se]ctemini munificen[tia] nostra leones lea[e] leopardi ursi bison(t)es onagri str[uthiones] centeni erunt proponi volumus [3 o]rdo ludorum honor[ariorum prid(ie) Non(as) Iun(ias) die primo] / [in th]eatro ligneo commis[s]io nova in qua pan[t]om[imus P]ylades item die primo in odi[o commissi]o nova in qua pantomimus Apolaustus item [die primo i]n theatro Pompei co[mmissio nova in qua pantomi]/[mus Ma]rcus Nonis Iun(iis) die secundo in t[hea]tro ligneo pantomimus Marcus item [die secund]o in odio pantomimus Pylades item in th[eatro Pompe]i pantomimus Apo[laustus a(nte) d(iem) VIII Id(us) Iun(ias) die tertio] / [in the]atro ligneo pantomimus Apolaustus item die tertio in odio pantomimus Marcus it[em die te]rtio in theatro Pompei pantomimus [Pyl]ades nocte terti[a 3]oc[3 Impp(eratores) Severus et An]/[toni]nus Aug[[g(usti!) et Geta Caes(ar)]] cum pr(aefecto) pr(aetorio) et ceteris XVvir(is) praetextati coronatique de Pal[atio in T]erentum venerunt ibique Severu[s Au]g(ustus) apud [ara]m tertiam ligneam [te]mporalem [ad Tiberim constitutam] / [praee]unte Imp(eratore) Antonino [Aug(usto) fi[lio suo ture vinoque fecit dein posita praetexta sum(p)ta tun[ica fimb]riata adsistenti[[bus Geta Cae[s(are) et pr(aefeto) pr(aetorio)]] et XVvir]is pur[ific]atus per publicos XVvir(or)um m[anus manibus dextera] / [et l]aeva retinens cultr[um ob]liq(uum) cotor[i]um et pateram cum vino ret<i=E>nente precatione[[m Geta C[aes(are)]] immol]avit Terrae matri s[uem] pl[enam] Graeco a(chivo) r(itu) prodigavam hac pr[e]c(atione) Ter[ra mater uti tibi in] / [illi]s libris scriptum es[t qu]arumque {rerumque} rerum ergo quodq(ue) melius siet p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) uti [tibi hac s]u(e) plena propria [prodi]giva sac[rum f]iat te quaeso precorque uti tu imp[e]rium maiestate[mque p(opuli) R(omani) Q(uiritium) duel]/[li d]omique auxis utiqu{a}e [se]mper Latinus o<b=P>temperassit ceter[a] ut supra ordinem sacrifici [secutus e]odem modo sicut [prima] nocte Moeris sacrificioque perfec[to] posita tuni[c]a fimbriata su[mpta praetexta cum] / [fili]is et ceteris XVvir(is) ludis nocturnis interfuerunt Iulia Aug(usta) mater castr[or]um et matronae CVIIII sel[liste]rnia habuerunt Iunoni ac Dianae III N[on(as) Iun(ias) Impp(eratores) Se]/[ver]us et Antoninus Aug[[g(usti) cum Geta Caes(are)]] et pr(aefecto) pr(aetorio) et ceteris X[Vvir(is) d]e Pal[atio ad aede]m Apollinis Palatini praete[xtati c]oronatique processerunt ibique Severus Aug(ustus) a[pud a]ram ligneam tempor[alem con]/[stit]utam in area Apollinis ante tetrastylum Aug(usti) qu[3 praeeunte Imp(eratore)] Antonino Aug(usto) filio suo a[dsistent]ibus Geta Caes(are) et pr(aefecto) pr(aetorio) et ceteris X[Vvir(is)] ture et vino honorario rem divinam fe[cit dein] / [Se]verus Aug(ustus) [Apo]llini ac [D]ianae libis novenis po[panis novenis pthoibus novenis sac]rificavit hac prec[a]tion[e quam le]git ipse Apollo uti tibi in illis libris scriptum est cuiusq(ue) rei ergo quodq(ue) meliu[s siet] / [p(opulo) R(omano) Q(uiritibus) u]ti t[ibi novem libis n]ovem popanis n[ovem pthoib(us) sacrum fiat te quaeso pr]ecorque uti tu [imperium maiestat]emque p(opuli) R(omani) Q(uiritium) [d]uelli domique auxis utiqu{a}e semper Latinus obtemperassit cetera [ut supra] / [3 ordinem sacrifici] secutus [e]od[em modo sicu]t se[cubda nocte ilithyis] similite[r eisdem verbis Diana]e sacrificavit perfectoque sacrificio ludos Augg(usti) in scaena cui theatrum adiect[um non erat] / [3 perspectaveru]nt t[3]vas aqua spa[rsa 3] tunc aliis coronis sumptis in pronao aedis Apollinis adscenderunt ibiq[ue pueri XXVII] / [patrimi et matrimi et] puellae [totidem 3 quibus de[nuntiatum era]t praetex[tati coronati pueri et puel]lae palliolatae cum discriminalibus manibus connexis ca[rm]en c[ecinerunt nove compositum] / [3]ibus tibicinibus [3]EI[3 Ph]oebe dies P(h)oebeia noctes reddite cymaeo signantur s[3]tro quae doc/[3]a laurigeri procer[3]ntibus Ae[3]us canimus mulcent[3] inlice cantu numina pro[3]idum pro gentis hon[o]re / [3]um votisque s[3] ausoniis m[3]re superbo de grege natoru[m v]estrae cos[3 C]ynthia mitis adest puer[i]s / [3] arvicolas [3]]ART[3]tuque Latin[3]u Lucin[a 3] quae Romam nuper caelo / [3]t qua ce[3] Pudent[3]s selle R/[3]om tex[3] primaeve vocem turmae / [3]r[3]fando [3]mina nosset imperiique oras urbesq[ue] / [3]nda[3 a]ede [3]ras auratis fundere campis Bacchum pa[3] / [3]imitum coga[3]ne terras [et] Neptunia glauca cavis findantur aratris e/[3]ant spirantia [3]m castrisque Mart[e q]uieto condat secretis victricia postibus / [3]iter aeria qu[3]as nostrosque duces [qu]esos+te dextra protege et armigerum vic/[3]borem occup[3] et tibi[cinum 3 cornic]inum aeneatorum et tubicin[u]m translatum et togatorum / [3 a]sinariorum [3]m et tiro[n]umque ludionum quadr[igarum 3 et bi]garum binarum item desultorum cu[rsor]umque factionu[m singularum pompam] / [3] publicis et l[3 i]ntercede[nte popul]o per [vi]am sacram forumque Romanu[m] arcum Seve[ri et Antoni]ni Aug[[g(ustorum!) et Getae Caes(aris)]] pueros pue[llas]que [fr]equentes / [3]des praece[debant 3 pompam t]ralatumque tegebant Impp(eratores) Sever[us] et Antoninus Aug[[g(usti) et Geta Caes(ar)]] cum pr(aefecto) pr(aetorio) sub[sequente]s pueros puellasque sustinente [pom]pa in Capitolio cum / [3 conve]neru[nt 3 ante aedem Iov]is [O(ptimi)] M(aximi) an[t]e cuius pronaum ut in Palat[i]o carm[e]n cone[x]is manibus [pue]ri puellaeque dix[erunt ch]orosque hab(u)erunt quos perfe[cto] sacrificio Augg(usti) hon[oraverunt] / [pueris] n(umero) VIIII lances arge[nteas dantes ut] reliquis [c]um Troiam lusissent item puell[i]s tri[a ve]la serica et pra[etext(am)] sollemne{m} acce[ptis divisi]sque omnibus se receper[unt i]nde Severus et Antoni[nus Augg(usti) [[et Geta Caes(ar)]]] / [cum] pr(aefecto) p[r(aetorio) e]t c[eteris XXV(iris) process]erun[t] ad ludos saeculares consummando[s] in thea[tro lign]eo pompa [autem sac]rificalis in tri[bunal in cir]co temporal[i] circu[mdu]cta est ludisque saecularibus [consum]/[matis Impp(eratores) Severus et Anton]in[us Augg(usti) p]almatis sumptis et scipionibus {ae}bornei[s] ad circum [temp]oralem [venerunt 3 supra c]arceres se[3]c[3] consedit Imp(erator) Antoninus Aug(ustus) / [3]dit m[3] Severus Aug(ustus) missu primo quadrigas singul[a]s e factioni[bus m]is[ir item II missu III bigas desultores missu I]III cursor[e]sque [ex] metis murciis misit Ulpius So[ter co(n)s(ul) designatus] / [3] reno[vatisqu]e similibus antiqui moris spectaculi co[nc]urrentib[us coenti]busque [3]esu[3]ulenta petentium Severus et Antoninus Augg(usti) / [3]um co[3]oreis et soleis fetasiis tunc Severu[s 3]m se[3]dit ant[e 3 supra car]ceres sedit et post merid[ia]nos missus misit missu V misit bigas si[ngulas missu] / [VI misit desultores et] miss[u VII qu]adrigas praemia autem consecutis [3]pin[3 in secu]undo actu [3 dede]rant ex i(i)s frugibus quas [popul]us Romanus contulerat [id] est quadri[gae et bigae desul/[toribus ex isd]em [fru]gibus d[edera]nt reliquiae frugum apparitioni[bus in] secun[do actu 3 pe]rpetua [3 e]adem die Iulia Aug(usta) m[ater] castrorum et matro[nae ce]ntum nove[m habuerunt] / [sellistern]ia sua sicut praec[eden]ti biduo porcilias immolaverunt [et] eisdem cena[verunt et antr]vav[erunt inde pueri] senatores item puellae mat[ro]nae carmen cecinerunt quorum no[mina infra subscripta sunt] / [3]s Maximus I[ul]iu[s F]austinus Iulius Crescens Iul(ius) Ca[s]sius Paulinus Clo[3]m[3] Alfius Avitus Opratius Ti[ti]anus Flavius Iulius Latron[ianus] / [3]ianus Umbilius [Ma]ximinus Claudius Pacatianus Iulius Sa[t]yrus Dryan[tianus 3]s Maxim[3]us Ulpius Attianus iun(ior) Laberius Pompeianus Cattius Clement[inus] / [Baburius Herc]ulanius(?) Baebius Marcellinus Aelius Antipater Corfin[iu]s Felixs(!) Corn[3]s eq(ues) R(omanus) Licinius Aemil[ia]nus Ingen(uus) puellae Manilia Lucana Po[llitta] / [3]lia Crispina Arrian[a A]lfia Vestin[a] Maxi[ma Sa]lvia Postu[mia] Varia Non[is 3 V]aleriana Aemilia Iunia C[lemen]tina Flavia Romana Antonia / [3] Maxima Iuniana Flavia [A]ntonia Polynic[e 3]lia Casta Statianilla Arria [C]or[nelia(?)] Clementina Corn[eli]a Claudia Pia Va[leria(?) 3]nia Pacata [B]aburia Va/[3]a Nepotiana Domitia Diotima Precilia Au[g]urina [pr(idie)] Non(as) Iun(ias) Impp(eratores) [Se]verus Antoninus Augg(usti) [[et Geta nob(ilissimus) C[aes(ar)]] et p]r(aefectus) pr(aetorio) et ceter[i X]Vv(iri) pr[aetextati ad ludos consumman]/[dos 3 processe]runt in theatro ligneo lud[is] Latin[is comm]issis in odio se tra[ns]tulerunt ibique [lu]dis Graecis commissis in theatro Pompeian[o veneru]nt ibiq[ue] lu[dis scaenicis commissis in circo] / [3] Augg(usti) nn(ostri) et Get[a Caes(ar) sedil]ibus suis [consederunt ibi]que ludos persp[ect]averunt XVvir(i) autem tribunali praet[orio 3] st[eterunt in theatro] // [ligneo Venidius Rufus cur(ator)] alv(ei) Tiber(is) Saevin[ius Proc]ulus Fulvius Fusc[us Grani]anus q(uaestor) Aug[g(ustorum)] / [Gargilius Antiquus Ulpius Sote]r co(n)s(ul) desig(natus) in odeo P[ompeius] Rusonianus magist[er Vetin]a Mamertin[us] / [Manilius Fuscus Cassius Piu]s Marcellinus q(uaestor) d[es(ignatus) Antiu]s Crescens Calpur[nianus i]n theatro [Pompei 3] / [3]s pr(aetor) Aiacius Modest[us Ofilius] Macedo Nonius Arri[us Mucia]nus [3] / [3 eodem die edictum pr]opositum est in hae[c verba] Imp(erator) Caes(ar) di[vi Marci Antoni]ni Pii Ge[rm(anici) Sarm(atici)] / [filius divi Commodi frate]r divi Antonini Pi[i nep(os) di]vi Hadriani pronep[os divi Traia]ni Parthi[ci] / [abnepos divi Nervae adnep]os L(ucius) Septimius [Severus Pi]us Pertinax Aug(ustus) [Arab(icus) Adia]b(enicus) Parth(icus) m[ax(imus)] / [pont(ifex) maximus trib(unicia) potesta]t(e) XII imp(erator) XI co(n)s(ul) II[I p(ater) p(atriae) et Im]p(erator) Caes(ar) M(arcus) Aurelli[us(!) Antoni]nus Pius Au[g(ustus)] / [trib(unicia) pot(estate) VII co(n)s(ul) [[et Geta nob(ilissimus) Caes(ar)]] Imp(eratoris) Caes(aris) L(uci) Septimii Severi] Pii Pertinacis Au[g(usti) Arabici A]diab(enici) Par[th(ici) max(imi) f(ilii)] / [divi M(arci) Antonini Pii Germ(anici) Sarm(atici) n]epot(es) divi Antonini Pii pr[onep(otes) d]ivi Hadriani a[bnepot(es) div]i Traiani / [Parthici et divi Nervae adn(epotes) c]um ceteris XVvir(is) s(acris) f(aciundis) dic(unt) cum [3 Id(ibus)] Iun(ias) proximas [3 p]orcum n(umero) / [3] die ne quis dissignator eu[m pe]r ea loca duxi[sse velit pr]oponi v[3] / [3 isdem theatris ludi honor[arii 3 pr]aeside[3] sicut supr[a 3] / [Impp(eratores) Severus et Antoninus Augg(usti) [[et Geta nob(ilissimus) Caes(ar)]]] cum pr(aefecto) pr(aetorio) [et ceter(is)] XVvir(is) [3] de Palatio [3] / [3 p]ulvinar prae[3 [[Geta [nob(ilissimo) Caes(are)]] ad]sistente Imp(erator?) [3] / [3] verb(a) f[ecerunt 3]a pa[3]ra pulvinari[3] / [3]is[3 po]rcu[m Iunoni] Reginae vac[cam 3] / [3]m porcum [3] / [3 im]molavit Im[p(erator) 3] / [3 eb]orneos r[3] / [3]fex [3] / [3]e sa[3] / [3] puer[3] / [3] idem [3] / [3]mfius [3] / [3 si]cuti ti[3] / [3] Fuscu[s 3] / [3]ae m[3] / [3] isi [3] / [3]t[3] / [3]lian[3 Cassius Pius] / [Ma]rcelli[nus q(uaestor) d(esignatus) 3] / [3] Vetina Mamer[tinus 3] / [3] s[cipion]es {a}ebornei[s 3] / q[3] circum vener[3] / so[3 ex]uvias in pulvinari lat[as 3] / [3]D[3]cus mediis pulvin[3] / [3]VSTIIS3] / [3 A]emi[l 3 S]atyrus Do[3] / [3]s Regillu[s 3] Marcius Vic[tor 3] / [3] Virius [3] Musiarcus Iunius [3] / [3] Rosc[ius 3] Cornelianus Clodius Mar[3] / [3]rus Numer[3]nus Aper Ocratius Titianus [3] / [3]us Bassaeu[s 3]anus Alfius Maximus Suf[3] / [3]s Silianus [3]atianus Flav[ius 3]CO[3] / [3] Placidus [3 Ma]rcellinus A[3] / [3]omini[3 Ne]ratius Priscu[s 3] / [3]BAB[3]us Vettiu[s 3] / [3] Licini[us 3] eq(uitis) R(omani) fil(ius) C[
inscription genus / personal status: Augusti/Augustae;  litterae erasae;  milites;  mulieres;  nomen singulare;  ordo equester;  ordo senatorius;  sacerdotes pagani;  tituli operum;  tituli sacri;  tria nomina;  viri
material: lapis