Thursday, February 18, 2021

Complimentary INTRODUCTION to my upcoming book THE AVALON BIBLE, Volume I, Sacred Grove

The Fall and Expulsion from the Garden of Eden by Michelangelo


 INTRODUCTION:

The Garden of Evil

In his quest for God or the Divine, man has two overarching impediments: his separation from Nature and the Problem of Evil.  As it happens, both are interrelated or, at the very least, one inevitably derives from the other.  

In Judaeo-Christian tradition, it was the Original Sin of Adam that led man - and woman - to be cast out of the earthly Paradise, the famous garden east of Eden.  While theologians have endlessly debated the exact definition of the sin involved, a literal reading of the Genesis account in the Bible forces us to accept that it was Adam’s refusal to obey God’s injunction against eating of the fruit of the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil.  

God did not ban Adam from eating of the Tree of Life (mentioned as being distinct from the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil) and it is to that tree that we will return later in this Introduction. For now I will say only that the Tree of Life is described more fully in Revelation, where we are told

“On either side of the river is the tree of life with its twelve kinds of fruit, producing its fruit each month; and the leaves of the tree are for the healing of the nations.”

Equally as important to the deliberations of the theologians is the question of how to characterize the Expulsion.  Much has been made of the notion that while in the Garden Adam and Eve were, essentially, hunter/gatherers, and their “transition” to life outside the earthly paradise implied an adoption of an agrarian lifestyle.  This is clever, but it entirely misses the point of the forbidden fruit’s true significance.

God’s threat promising death to Adam if he eats of the fruit has been misinterpreted.  Everything in Nature dies and this was also true of the plants and animals in the Garden.  But – and this is of critical importance in understanding the Genesis account – none of the creatures were aware of death.  This is implicit in the Biblical account, for the serpent tells Eve “You will not die [at least not right away], for God knows that when you eat of it your eyes will be opened, and you will be like God, knowing good and evil.”

As death is the primary evil, it is obvious that Adam and Eve as residents of the Garden are not aware of it. Or, if we view death from the perspective of animals who have not developed consciousness and the ability to reason, who live on a purely instinctive level, death is a state that occurs, but is not understood, not conceptualized, and which cannot be anticipated and thus cannot be feared. Survival instinct is merely an evolutionary adaptation, a genetically encoded means of ensuring a reproduction rate sufficient to offset species loss due to death.  In Nature, the purpose of life is to continue life.  It is only humans (so far as we know!) who insist that existence must have a meaning. 

I have long maintained that while Adam and Eve lived in the Garden, they were akin to the other animals.  In other words, they lacked consciousness and the ability to reason.  Yes, the creatures of the Garden suffer – supremely so – and they are all subject to the horrid, though often protracted evil of death, but they experience these things only as present sensation and without a foreknowledge that permitted dread.

So how does this view change our interpretation of the ramifications of the Expulsion?

Well, before we can attempt to answer that question, we must take a close look at how Christianity decided to tackle it – and why they chose their peculiar method of reconciliation with God.

We must look at two sources – one given to us early in the creation of Christianity and the other much later, in the medieval period.  

We all know that the Crucifixion of Christ somehow negated Adam’s sin.  Although, how exactly this works is more than a bit of a mystery.  One thing we can say is that once we ignore the inanities of the Church (and its Protestant offshoots), the placement of Christ on the Cross is a reversal of the plucking of the forbidden fruit from the tree. That this is so is made manifest in the Golden Legend of Jacobus de Varagine, where we are told that the wood used to make Christ’s cross was taken from stock that descended from the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil.  To drive this point home, many medieval artists portrayed Adam’s skull at the base of the Cross in their paintings.

A full appreciation of what is happening during the Crucifixion can only grasped when we remember that Christ according to the Gnostics (a “heretical” sect eradicated by the early Church) was a man who was the embodiment of gnosis or knowledge, specifically knowledge of the Divine.  Thus Jesus as the gnosis-fruit, placed back upon the Cross, negated the picking of the gnosis-fruit from the Tree.  

To many, this is a startling realization.  And it gives birth to a major problem.  For if man in the Garden was not man, but one of the lower animals, and his expulsion from Nature is a metaphor for his achieving knowledge, then how was he to go about forsaking that knowledge so that he could return to the Garden?  For if he can’t find a way to return to the Garden, how can he possibly ever again walk with God?  And beyond that, how can his developing consciousness possibly be construed as a sin? Especially when it was something that occurred without his complicity, and therefore must have been a process initiated and overseen by God himself?

This point was taken up, oddly enough, by Dante in his Divine Comedy.  According to Dante, the poet was able to be guided by Virgil, symbolic of Human Reason, until he came to the threshold of the Earthly Paradise, i.e. the Garden east of Eden.  From that point on Virgil could not set foot.  Instead, Dante must resort to the assistance of Beatrice, who represented Hope, Love and Faith.  If he wished to make it to Heaven, he had to first successfully traverse the Garden.  

In no uncertain terms, Dante is here saying that whoever possesses Human Reason, i.e. our brand of consciousness and self-awareness, cannot enter Nature.  This is an impossibility. We must instead rely upon emotion, most particularly emotion that stems from deep-seated, primitive, one might say instinctual impulses.  Emotion that produces a state of being that is not dependent on logic or science and is, indeed, antithetical to intellectualism in general. 

Now, there are those who say I have presented Dante’s case unfairly.  That reason (Virgil), informed by the three main Christian virtues (Beatrice), is just as important in achieving gnosis.  But Dante himself nixes this notion when he insists on placing Virgil and other non-Christian worthies in Limbo, a location not of torment, but of eternal separation from God.

What we have, then, in Christian theology, is a system that must, in its promotion of Salvation, either implicitly or explicitly deny Human Reason.  If any doubt of this remains, we need only look at Church history (or the history of Christianity in general) to see its centuries-long preoccupation with fighting intellectual progress and scientific discoveries. This battle has been engaged in with vigor from the beginning and is still is evidence today.

“Let the little children come to me; do not stop them; for it is to such as these that the kingdom of God belongs. Truly I tell you, whoever does not receive the kingdom of God as a little child will never enter it.” (Mark 10:14-15)

That statement, put in the mouth of Christ, is quite revealing. For children are ignorant, naïve, fully trusting, and their minds are composed of whimsy and fancy and imagination.  They are utterly impressionable and a blank slate, waiting to be filled with lessons from their adult teachers. No one is more susceptible to religious indoctrination than children. It is only with the advent of an adult reasoning capacity, the product of a proper education with an emphasis on critical thinking and the development and lifelong cultivation of a discriminatory faculty, that children suddenly become ineligible for the kingdom of God.

I’ve already touched upon the problem of evil in western religious thought. The problem only arises because we insist on a personal God, of course.  And, more specifically, the God who has been presented to us in Judaeo-Christian tradition.  In brief, the problem of evil can be summarized as follows:

1) Evil exists.  This is obvious to anyone who has experience of it, or who looks to Nature.  Evil can be defined as not only moral evil, which brings certain consequences, but as evil that occurs outside the bounds of the moral choices made by man. 

2) If God exists, and is all powerful, why does he allow evil to be in the world?  The ‘free will’ argument is inadequate, as it will only allow for evil befalling a freely made choice.  Natural evils, evils of suffering and death that are not a result of freely made moral decisions, cannot be accounted for in the free will argument.  Instead, the religious must resort to “tests of faith” (see Job – as if God were so petty and insecure as to require such in order to inflate his own poor self-esteem!) or acts of punishment for perceived sins (Sodom and Gomorrah come to mind) or omission of worship (“I the Lord your God am a jealous God”, Exodus 20:5) as explanations for the occurrence of random incidents of natural evil. Lessons must be taught and punishments inflicted so that we might avoid hubris and be perpetually reminded of our inborn guilt as sinners.  

3) If God exists, but allows evil to happen, it is because he is not a kind and loving God, but a cruel and vindictive one.  There is evidence from ancient literature that Satan was considered a member of his heavenly court, and that the “Adversary” was used by God to inflict suffering on man in order to enforce belief through fear of retribution or to bolster God's ego.  

4) If God exists, but is not all-powerful, i.e. his influence on our lives is in everlasting conflict with a negative force of equal power (cf. Persian dualism), then we cannot rely on God for protection.  It would be a 50-50 world of good and evil.  And we mortals would have no idea as to which side of the equation we would end up on. The notion that God is not all-powerful is often used to explain natural disasters that kill as many non-sinners or believers as sinners and non-believers. Surely, it can't be God who is to blame!  It must be Satan who did this to us. And if Satan is equal to God in strength, why not swear our allegiance to him?  That way, we can do anything we wish - and be rewarded for doing so. 

5) The concept of Hell (eternal punishment for a finite crime) was invented to enforce good behavior and adherence to the creed. It also fulfills a profound human psychological need. As we know all too well, behavior is determined by a combination of nature and nurture, by genetics and experience.  To damn someone to eternal punishment for a sin which arises from accident of birth and circumstance is not only supremely unfair, but an absurdity. Yet because we humans demand “justice” (all too often our euphemism for “vengeance”), and we are often denied such in the here and now, we look for it and expect it in the hereafter. For if someone does not have to pay for his or her crimes now, then justice (read “vengeance”) has not been served. And that would mean that the world is not just and does not punish the wicked as we would have them punished.  Somehow, Christians who tout love and an all-loving, compassionate, merciful God have no problem with condemning sinners to eternal torment. This is something that may satisfy base human needs, and may, incidentally, act as a fear-based deterrent to committing sin, but it is not something that any loving, caring, forgiving and accepting human being should ever condone.  It is also ironic. Threatening deposition in Hell is no different than a parent threatening corporal punishment to a child for bad behavior.  Both are equally reprehensible. To ascribe to God qualities that belong to a father with anger management issues is to lower him to our level of gross imperfection.  

Having outlined the problem of evil, it should be obvious to my reader that all of it is a product of our Expulsion from the Garden and our attempt to make sense of that Expulsion.  For once we became fully conscious, fully self-aware beings, we were able to understand good and evil. And when we were able to do that, we were able to INVENT the concept of God and to then consider what role he plays in our experience of suffering and death.

What this amounts to is this: Christians (or, indeed, any member of a religious order who sees Nature in a negative light, or as illusion leading to suffering, etc.) are by dint of their belief forced to accept the insoluble problem of evil, which causes them unending distress – or denial.  This discomfiture is forced upon them because they begin with the premise that there is an omniscient, omnipresent deity who is someone wholly good, while the world he created is pretty much completely bad.  The contortions, the agonies, of thought and feeling required to maintain such a belief need not be recounted; they are a matter of record, stretching back centuries. 


This is where we find ourselves: locked in a world of sin, pain and death.  We cannot find our way free precisely because we cannot abjure reason and we cannot dispense with consciousness.  

But might there be a way out of this dilemma?  I believe so, although the way forward requires a willingness to embrace a radical mental/emotional shift in one’s world-view and a bravery not exhibited in the false, currying-favor humility and intentional, selfishly debasing self-abnegation of saints.

Ancient Mesopotamia preserves a remarkable story about a the first of the antediluvian sages who were sent by Ea to bring wisdom to Mankind.  Adapa makes the mistake of incurring the wrath of Anu, god of Heaven.  Having been summoned to Anu’s court to answer for his crime, the sage is advised by Ea not to accept from his divine host the bread and water of death.  

Anu accepts Adapa’s apology, saying


“Why did Ea disclose to wretched mankind

The ways of heaven and earth,

Give them a weary heart?

It was he who did it!

What can I do for him?”


Anu in his generosity offers the sage the deadly food and drink, which his mortal guest refuses.  This astonishes the God of Heaven, who remarks


‘Come, Adapa, why didn’t you eat?  Why didn’t you drink? 

Didn’t you want to be immortal?  Alas for

Downtrodden people!’

Ea in the Sumerian Enki, was called ushumgal, ‘serpent, dragon’. In the Gilgamesh Epic, a snake at a pool steals the plant “Old Man Grown Young” from the hero.  This plant would have restored Gilgamesh to his youth. Enki’s temple had in front of it a pool representing the freshwater Apsu.  It is tempting, therefore, to identify this snake with Enki ushumgal.

An obvious parallel here can be drawn between Ea/Enki the serpent and the serpent of the Garden east of Eden.  But there is a remarkable difference in the stories of Adapa and Adam. In the Adapa story, the serpent/dragon Ea bestows knowledge on Man, but lies to him so that he fails to obtain immortality from Anu, the God of Heaven. In the Genesis myth, God denies knowledge to Man, saying that if Man eats of the fruit he will die, i.e. he will lose immortality. The serpent lies to Eve, telling her that if she eats of the fruit, she will obtain knowledge, but that she will not die. 

After God has cursed Adam and Eve for eating of the forbidden fruit, he says

“See, the man has become like one of us, knowing good and evil; and now, he might reach out his hand and take also from the tree of life, and eat, and live forever.”

Why did the Hebrews change the story in this way?

For one simple reason: the theological need to shift the blame for the origin of sin from God to Man. As sin is not only meaningless, but a non-concept to animals of the Garden, and only became identifiable to creatures possessing the knowledge of good and evil, had God willingly given the latter to Man, he would also be responsible for Man becoming aware or conscious of sin. And that was not deemed acceptable in the eyes of Jewish priests.  So instead God is credited as trying his best to hold knowledge back from Man, and it is Man who not only makes the decision to burden himself with such knowledge, but who does so only by directly contravening God’s injunction not to consume the fruit.  

God is, therefore, totally exonerated, acquitted of blame for Man’s Fall.

The shift in emphasis between the Mesopotamian and Biblical accounts was not difficult to make. Wisdom is either a gift or a curse.  The ambiguous nature of this quality of mind is made manifest in the Adapa tale, where knowledge is characterized as being both good and bad.  Once it is determined to be bad in the sense that it contains within it the origin of sin, it was not thought proper to have God be the dispenser of something that had started out as a gift, but ended up being a curse. 

Yet despite the rewriting of the story, immortality remained out of reach.  We might have God-like knowledge, but eternal life eluded us.  And now instead of being able to claim that our knowledge was a gift, it was the vehicle of sin and the guilt that sin engendered.  God was also off the hook for refusing us immortality, as everything he did after Man ate of the forbidden fruit was interpreted as proper punishment. 

All of which necessitated – indeed, demanded - the invention of Jesus Christ’s resurrection. For if Man could not find eternal life here on earth, he must seek it elsewhere.  But before he could do that, he had to rid himself of Original Sin.  I have described above how Christ’s Crucifixion is the reversal of the picking of the fruit of knowledge. [How immortality was obtained by Christ is something I will treat of in the second chapter of this book.] 

Prior to Adam and Eve’s consumption of the fruit, God told them in Genesis 2:15 that

“You may freely eat of every tree of the garden...”

The sole exception being the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil, of course.  The implication is that were they not to have eaten of that particular fruit, they would have been permitted to ingest fruit from the Tree of Life.  

My reader will recall that I referred in my previous narrative to the Tree of Life.  There are those who would seek, for no good reason, to identify this tree with the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil, which made death knowable to the recipient of its fruit. I contend that the Tree of Life is entirely different and separate, and that our knowledge of it will help us transcend our Biblically-induced prison of angst.

And this Tree of Life may, in the end, be our way forward in embracing a reality that is neither delusory nor fraudulent, but instead a recognition of our place in Nature that abrogates our cultural bias demanding a perceived separation from it. 

As it happens, the best source to utilize in becoming properly acquainted with the Tree of Life is the Celtic tradition.  And the chief representative example from that tradition is King Arthur’s Avalon. 


Tuesday, February 16, 2021

THE AVALON BIBLE: SACRED GROVE advance announcement


Mockup of new cover for Volume I of THE AVALON BIBLE - SACRED GROVE.  If life will permit, I hope to have this done and published in a month or two.

THE AVALON BIBLE (volumes)

I. Sacred Grove
II. Gods and Goddesses
III. Merlin
IV. Lady of the Lake
V. Arthur
VI. Excalibur
VII. Holy Grail

Monday, February 15, 2021

ROMANIAN METEOR MYTHOLOGY By Andrei Dorian Gheorghe and Alastair McBeath


Part of my argument for placing Uther Pendragon at Birdoswald was the Romanian folk tradition (one possibly traceable to the Dacians, ancestors of the Romanians) that saw meteors (and possibly comets) as celestial dragons.  One of the sources I accessed I've since found available online and I thought I would make it available here.


As it turns out, there are similar beliefs among other Balkan and East European peoples.  I attach some of the links for those here:




Monday, February 8, 2021

The Date of Lucius Artorius Castus's Procuratorship of Liburnia


It has become customary to assume that the approximate date of the procuratorship of Lucius Artorius Castus in Liburnia was 184-185.  The date was most firmly established, at least in the minds of Croatian scholars, primarily by J. Medini (https://dokumen.tips/documents/julijan-medini-provincia-liburnia.html).  

Dr. Linda A. Malcor and her colleagues (Malcor, L.A., Trinchese, A., Faggiani, A., Missing Pieces: A New Reading of the Main Lucius Artorius Castus Inscription, Journal of Indo-European Studies, Vol. 47, no 3 & 4 Fall/Winter, 2019, pp. 415-437) accept this date as they wish to refute the reading of ARMENIOS for the fragmentary ARM[...]S of the LAC memorial inscription.  They need to be able to do this to show that LAC was present in Britain when 5,500 Sarmatians were sent there in AD 175.

Discounting the ARMATOS reading proposed by Malcor (something I have dealt with in detail elsewhere), and accepting ARMENIOS - as all other scholars I've checked with do - we encounter a problem with the later Armenian wars. Tomlin had this to say to me regarding the placement of Lucius Artorius Castus in the reign of either Caracalla or Alexander Severus:

“The British legions contributed to Caracalla's German campaign, to judge by RIB 369, but I don't know any evidence that they contributed further east. Nor, I think, does Birley. He would surely have said so, and I don't know why he didn't suggest Lucius Verus as well.” [NOTE: Birley has since come around to acknowledging Tomlin's judgment on the date of the LAC stone. "Roger  has solved this. A pity I didn't see his book [ BRITANNIA ROMANA ROMAN INSCRIPTIONS AND ROMAN BRITAIN, 2018] before I wrote my article ("Viri militares...")."]

This campaign ‘against the Armenians’ has been attributed to the eastern wars of Caracalla or Severus Alexander, but the inscription looks earlier than the third century, and a more attractive attribution is to Statius Priscus’ invasion of Armenia in AD 163."

What main argument does Malcor and colleagues offer to support the late procuratorship date for LAC?

Well, they insist on his dux title being an official rank that, in turns, means he must have been a de facto governnor of Britain.  They claim this could only have happened under Commodus.  Furthermore, they insist on LAC's movement of three entire legions.  I and others have already shown that this is not the case.  Dux in this context merely means that he was specially appointed to lead some detachments and, logically speaking, these may well have accompanied governor Statius Priscus from Britain to Armenia.  We have plenty of precedents for this use of dux in the period.

Fergus Miller in his THE ROMAN NEAR EAST, 31 B.C. - A.D. 337 (Harvard U. Press, 1993, p. 191; https://books.google.com/books?id=IA-YlZqHv90C&pg=PA191#v=onepage&q&f=false) says this about the role of the dux in the Roman empire:

"Before the third century it [dux "as a regular expression for a military commander"] had not been an official term at all... and had therefore come into use by the 250s."

Commenting on this, Roger Tomlin told me that

"I would trust anything Fergus Millar says, since he was a very great scholar. dux, as I have said, was an ad-hoc term going back for centuries, and I would be happy to accept the 250s for what becomes regular under Diocletian."

J. F. Hall, Professor of Classics and Ancient History at Brigham Young University (in his The Military Reforms of the Emperor Diocletian), states merely that

"The military command of the governors was superseded by the creation of a new officer—the dux. “The appointment of an equestrian military officer as general commander of the troops of a province or of more than one province, the dux provinciae or dux limitis provinciae,” was “a natural sequel”42 after the separation of military from civil powers. Jones asserts that “In the system of command Diocletian introduced one innovation, establishing in certain frontier areas zone commanders (duces) distinct from the provincial governors, who retained civil functions only. This change however was far from universal: in many areas the provincial governor continued to command the local forces as heretofore.”43 The origin of the dux is rightly attributed to Diocletian. The initial existence of the office in the time of his reign is certain."

Once they decided LAC was made dux under Commodus, and thus assumed the office of governor of Britain, it naturally followed that his procuratorship had to have happened in 184-185 or thereabouts.

Fortunately, we need not abide by such a chronology - one that would force us to either accept the untenable ARMATOS reading for the stone, or to allow for a much later Armenian campaign.  We may instead opt for LAC being made procurator with special powers in 168, when Lucius Verus (under whom Statius Priscus had served in Armenia) and Marcus Aurelius reorganized Illyricum:


"Finally, they crossed the Alps, and pressing further on, completed all measures necessary for the defence of Italy and Illyricum.97

97 The war in Pannonia was prosecuted successfully, and after a victory the emperors were acclaimed Imperatores for the fifth time and gave honourable discharge to some soldiers; see CIL III p888 (dated 5 May, 167)."

Fuller accounts of the 168 campaign run thusly:


13 While the Parthian war was still in progress, the Marcomannic war broke out, after having been postponed for a long time by the diplomacy of the men who were in charge there, in order that the Marcomannic  p167 war92 might not be waged until Rome was done with the war in the East. 14 Even at the time of the famine the Emperor had hinted at this war to the people, and when his brother returned after five years' service, he brought the matter up in the senate, saying that both emperors were needed for the German war. Legamen ad paginam Latinam 13 1 So great was the dread of this Marcomannic war,93 that Antoninus summoned priests from all sides, performed foreign religious ceremonies, and purified the city in every way, and he was delayed thereby from setting out to the seat of war. 2 The Roman ceremony of the feast of the gods94 was celebrated for seven days. 3 And there was such a pestilence,95 besides, that the dead were removed in carts and waggons. 4 About this time, also, the two emperors ratified certain very stringent laws on burial and tombs, in which they even forbade any one to build a tomb at his country-place, a law still in force. 5 Thousands were carried off by the pestilence, including many nobles, for the most prominent of whom Antoninus erected statues. 6 Such, too, was his kindliness of heart that he had funeral ceremonies performed for the lower classes even at the public expense; and in the case of one foolish fellow, who, in a search with divers confederates for an opportunity to plunder the city, continually made speeches from the wild fig-tree on the Campus Martius, to the effect that fire would fall  p169 down from heaven and the end of the world would come should he fall from the tree and be turned into a stork, and finally at the appointed time did fall down and free a stork from his robe, the Emperor, when the wretch was hailedº before him and confessed all, pardoned him.

Legamen ad paginam Latinam 14 1 Clad in the military cloak the two emperors finally set forth, for now not only were the Victuali and Marcomanni throwing everything into confusion, but other tribes, who had been driven on by the more distant barbarians and had retreated before them, were ready to attack Italy if not peaceably received. 2 And not a little good resulted from that expedition, even by the time they had advanced as far as Aquileia, for several kings retreated, together with their peoples, and put to death the authors of the trouble. 3 And the Quadi, after they had lost their king, said that they would not confirm the successor who had been elected until such a course was approved by our emperors. 4 Nevertheless, Lucius went on, though reluctantly, after a number of peoples had sent ambassadors to the legates of the emperors asking pardon for the rebellion. 5 Lucius, it is true, thought they should return, because Furius Victorinus, the prefect of the guard, had been lost, and part of his army had perished;96 Marcus, however, held that they should press on, thinking that the barbarians, in order that they might not be crushed by the size of so great a force, were feigning a retreat and using other ruses which afford safety in war, held that they should persist in order that they might not be overwhelmed by the mere burden of their vast preparations. 6 Finally, they crossed the Alps, and pressing further on, completed all measures necessary for the defence of Italy and Illyricum.97 7º They then decided, at Lucius' insistence, that letters should first be sent  p171 ahead to the senate and that Lucius should then return to Rome. 8 But on the way, after they had set out upon their journey, Lucius died from a stroke of apoplexy98 while riding in the carriage with his brother.


7 When the German war broke out, the two Emperors went to the front together, for Marcus wished neither to send Lucius to the front alone, nor yet, because of his debauchery, to leave him in the city. 8 When they had come to Aquileia,63 they proceeded to cross the Alps, though this was contrary to Lucius'  p229 desire; for as long as they remained in Aquileia he did nothing but hunt and banquet while Marcus made all the plans. 9 As far as this war was concerned, we have very fully discussed in the Life of Marcus64 what was accomplished by the envoys of the barbarians when they sued for peace and what was accomplished by our generals. 10 When the war in Pannonia was settled, they returned to Aquileia at Lucius' insistence, and then, because he yearned for the pleasures of the city, they hastened cityward. 11 But not far from Altinum, Lucius, while in his carriage, was suddenly stricken with the sickness which they call apoplexy, and after he had been set down from his carriage and bled, he was taken to Altinum,65 and here he died, after living for three days unable to speak.

Note that Illyricum was originally comprised of Dalmatia and Pannonia (see https://www.academia.edu/5577275/SOME_NOTES_ON_THE_DIVISION_OF_ILLYRICUM). 


Roman Liburnia within the boundaries of Roman Dalmatia (created by A. Kurilić and Z. Serventi for https://www.researchgate.net/publication/306134397_Buried_far_away_Easterners_in_Roman_Liburnia/download)

Now, we do have to be careful here, because the passage cited on Illyricum mentions the emperors first going north of the Alps before they saw to the defenses of the region.  However, Dalmatia is mentioned in this same context specifically, and in terms that mention military process.  And, actually, the Augustan History might mention the formation of Liburina implicitly -

"21 1 Against the Mauri, when they wasted almost the whole of Spain,128 matters were brought to a successful conclusion by his legates; 2 and when the warriors of the Bucolici did many grievous things in Egypt,129 they were checked by Avidius Cassius, who later attempted to seize the throne.130 3 Just before his departure,131 while he was living in retreat at Praeneste, Marcus lost his seven-year‑old son, by name Verus Caesar,132 from an operation on a tumour under his ear. 4 For no more than five days did he mourn him; and even during this period, when consulted on public affairs he gave some time to them.  p185 And because the games of Jupiter Optimus Maximus133 were then in progress 5 and he did not wish to have them interrupted by public mourning, he merely ordered that statues should be decreed for his dead son, that a golden image of him should be carried in procession at the Circus, and that his name should be inserted in the song of the Salii.134

6 And since the pestilence135 was still raging at this time, he both zealously revived the worship of the gods and trained slaves for military service — just as had been done in the Punic war — whom he called Volunteers, after the example of the Volones.136 7 He armed gladiators also, calling them the Compliant, and turned even the bandits of Dalmatia and Dardania137 into soldiers."

The pestilence being alluded to is the same one already mentioned above:

"13 1 So great was the dread of this Marco­mannic war,93 that Antoninus summoned priests from all sides, performed foreign religious ceremonies, and purified the city in every way, and he was delayed thereby from setting out to the seat of war. 2 The Roman ceremony of the feast of the gods94 was celebrated for seven days. 3 And there was such a pestilence,95 besides, that the dead were removed in carts and waggons. 4"

Professor Peter Kovacs, Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Bölcsészettudományi Kar, an expert on the Roman military in Pannonia, has this to say concerning the most likely foundation date for the province of Liburnia:

"It seems to me much more probable that the province should have been founded at the beginning of the war, as you suggest. I would put it before 170 AD."  

Professor Davide Ambrogio Faoro, Dipartimento di Lettere e Filosofia,Università degli Studi di Firenze, author of "Pro legato" (in Klio Volume 99 Issue 1, 2017), has told me that one of the functions of the Roman procurator was "the recruitment of troops."  

"The creation of a province given to a procurator by a part of a province of a legatus is also witnessed in Hispania Inferior under Caracalla. The reason is not military defense, but financial or related to the recruitment of troops."

For more on the recruitment of troops by procurators, Faoro referred me to ADVERSUS REBELLES. FORME DI RIBELLIONE E DI REAZIONE ROMANA NELLE SPAGNE E IN ASIA MINORE AL TEMPO DI MARCO AURELIO by Alister Filippini, Gian Luca Gregori (Mediterraneo Antico, xii, 1-2, 2009, 55-96).

I would propose that the transformation of Dalmatians into soldiers under the two emperors implies the creation of Liburnia, and that it was Lucius Artorius Castus as procurator whose job it was to get this done.  

As it happens, we have a remarkable parallel for LAC's procuratorship of Liburnia in an example from the Dacia of Hadrian's time.  I here offer this example as drawn from Anthony Birley's MARCUS AURELIUS: A BIOGRAPHY:


This man was, as it happens, like LAC, an equestrian.[1]  From The Equestrian Officials of Trajan and Hadrian: Their Careers by Raymond Henry Lacey (Princeton University Press):



Professor Roger Tomlin's assessment of my view of LAC's career was forthcoming (via private communication) only just on 8 February 2021:

"Both points seem good to me: that we do not have a firm date for the creation of Liburnia as a separate province, and the comparable case of the procurator in Dacia being given a quasi-senatorial command in emergency. I am once again much reminded of the career of Valerius Maximianus (AE 1956, 124), an equestrian officer whom Marcus Aurelius appoints to senatorial commands because of his ability; we have discussed this remarkable man before. This is quite understandable in the 160s, when Marcus needed competent generals even if they were not senators. People have made too much of the complaint that Perennis appointed equestrians to senatorial commands in the reign of Commodus – as if this had never happened before.

dux and praepositus, as we have both said already, are informal titles at this date – for someone who is appointed to an acting-command. It is absurd to say that Castus should command three whole legions against 'armed men' in Britain. R. Saxer, Untersuchungen zu den Vexillationen(etc.) (1967), is rather old now, but it would be a useful place to look for the way in which ad-hoc commanders are described."

THERE IS NO OTHER MENTION IN ANY EXTANT SOURCE OF DALMATIA BEING REORGANIZED MILITARILY.  All historians I have consulted, in addition, favor the formation of Liburnia for defense purposes at the beginning of the Marcomannic Wars, rather than towards the end or even later.  As this is so, the only reasonable assumption is that Liburnia was founded in 168 or thereabouts.  To insist on a later date that is both unsupported by the source material and runs counter to rational contextual argument is to fall back on one's own personal belief only, and that is not deemed acceptable in scholarship.

Dr. Linda A. Malcor and her colleagues still opt for c. 180 for the foundation of Liburnia, following Medina, rather than Miletic (see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2021/11/english-translation-of-zeljko-miletics.html).  They base this claim on Commodus' continued actions against the Germans at the conclusion of the Marcomannic War.  However, as it well-demonstrated on pp. 59-62 John McHugh's THE EMPEROR COMMODUS: GOD AND GLADIATOR, Commodus' actions against the Germans c. 180 were decided well to the North, and any refortifications or additional troop supplements were also well to the North of Dalmatia. There is no hint of anything being done to Dalmatia up through 185. We are talking about things like the erection of guard posts in Lower Pannonia, improvement of fortifications on the Danube and Rhine, a stone wall in Raetia, possible stuff done in Moesia Inferior, etc. Noricum, Raetia and the Pannonias remained the frontier. Forts were replaced in Upper and Lower Germany. These are all areas well to the North of Liburnia, and the reason for that is because Marcus had done so well in forcing the enemy to the North and containing them there. Commodus through treaties and some forward actions put an end to the conflict. Once again, a detailed reading of the events of 180 shows that Dalmatia was not involved in any way.  It is never mentioned in the context of Commodus' actions at the terminus of the Marcomannic War. Whatever had been done there had been done by Marcus in anticipation of possible incursion of the Germans at the beginning of the war.

Thus Malcor and Co. are wrong to seek to put the foundation of Liburnia around 180. There was far too much to do in the North, and that is where things were done.

[1]

"A man who was 'pro legato' was acting-governor (in the sense of being the Emperor's direct representative), this title including military tribunes of senatorial family ('laticlavius') who temporarily replaced the commander (legate) of their legion. 'ius gladii' enhanced the ordinary powers of a post – for example it was sometimes granted to prefects of the annona – and in theory allowed him to execute Roman citizens. A financial procurator might be granted special authority in this way, without (in theory at least) actually replacing the governor. Arguably, Castus exercised this special authority within only part of a larger province, Liburnia as opposed to Dalmatia." - Roger Tomlin (personal communication)






Wednesday, February 3, 2021

"bello Armeniaco et Parthico": The Armenian and Parthian War of Lucius Artorius Castus



Although I've uncovered a great deal of information that plainly shows Rome considered itself to be fighting against Armenia under the command of Statius Priscus (see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2020/07/lucius-artorius-castus-no-sarmatian.html), and all scholars I have approached on the subject support the idea that the ARM[...]S of the Lucius Artorius Castus memorial stone inscription should properly read ARMENIOS and not ARMATUS. The party who has proposed the latter word refuses to acknowledge that the former should be preferred.

This being so, I continued searching for yet more evidence for a Roman "perception" that the overthrow of the Parthian  ruler on the Armenian throne was an action brought against Armenia.  Perhaps the final statement on the matter can be found on pp. 284-5 of Anthony Birley's THE ROMAN GOVERNMENT OF BRITAIN.  There we learn of the military campaign of Statius Priscus (under Lucius Verus), where it is called bello armeniaco et parthico, i.e. "the Armenian and Parthian War."  

The same phrase “Armenian and Parthian War” is found on stones of M. Claudius Fronto (III 1457 = D. 1097 and VI 1377 + 31640 = D. 1098).  As if this were not enough, Trajan is also said to have engaged in a ‘bellum Armeniacum et Parthicum.’ Caracalla (HISTORIA AUGUSTA 61) fought a ‘bellum Armeniacum Parthicumque.’

I consider these examples proof-positive that the war was thought of as being just as much against Armenia as against Parthia! 

Yet perhaps most importantly, whoever insists that LAC could not have fought against Armenia because the war was against Parthia lacks an understanding of the close relationship that had existed between the two countries from quite early on.  See, for example, https://www.livius.org/articles/misc/parthian-empire/arsacids/ and https://www.livius.org/articles/dynasty/arsacids-of-armenia/, where we learn of the 

“Arsacids of Armenia: name of a dynasty of kings, ruling in Armenia since the mid-first century. It was a branch of the Arsacid dynasty in the Parthian Empire.” 

In other words, that an Arsacid would be on the Armenian throne was not surprising; in fact, it was to be expected.  The problem came about when a Roman client king on the Armenian throne was replaced by an Arsacid from Parthia. 
 
I here quote the entire section from the inscription by Birley, plus the notes for it.  The relevant phrase is highlighted in bold type and larger font.

14. 122 VI Victrix, Marcus Pontius, Marci filius, Pupinia,
Laelianus Larcius Sabinus (cos. 144)
CIL vi. 1497+1549=ILS 1094+1100=CIL vi. 41146, Rome: M(arco) Pontio, M(arci) f(ilio),
Pup(inia), | Laeliano Larcio Sabino, co(n)s(uli), pon|tifici, sodali Antoniniano Veriano, 4| fetiali, leg(ato)
Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore) prov(inciae) Syriae, leg(ato) Aug(usti) | pr(o) pr(aetore) prov(inciae) Pannon(iae)
super(ioris), leg(ato) Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore) prov(inciae) Pann|non(iae) infer(ioris), comiti divi Veri
Aug(usti), donato donis | militarib(us) bello Armeniaco et Parthico, 8| ab imp(eratoribus) Antonino et a divo
Vero Aug(ustis) | [coron(is)] mu[rali, vallari, clas]sica, aur[ea, | hast(is) puris IIII, vexill(is) IIII, comiti
imp(eratorum) Anto|n]ini Aug(usti) et divi Veri bello Germanic(o), 12| item comiti imp(eratoris) Antonini
Aug(usti) Germanici Sar|matici, leg(ato) leg(ionis) I Miner(viae), curatori civit(atis) Araus(ionensium) |
prov(inciae) Galliae Narb(onensis), praetori, trib(uno) pleb(is) candidato | imp(eratoris) divi Hadriani, ab
act(is) senatus, quaestor(i) prov(inciae) 16| Narb(onensis), trib(uno) mil(itum) leg(ionis) VI Victr(icis), cum qua
ex Germ(ania) in | Brittan(iam) transiit, IIIIvir(o) viar(um) curandar(um). | huic senatus, auctore M(arco)
Aurelio Antonino Aug(usto) | Armeniac(o) Medic(o) Parthic(o) maximo Germ(anico) Sarmat(ico) 20| statuam
poni habitu civili in foro divi Traiani | pecunia publica censuit.
284 High Officials of the Undivided Province
³¹ See e.g. Thomasson, LP i. 324f.: Lusius Quietus was already consul before becoming governor
of Judaea before Trajan’s death.
³² Piso, Fasti, 54ff., dating the Dacian governorship to 139–141/2.
³³ Thus Alföldy, Konsulat, 312, citing CIL viii. 9374.
³⁴ PIR2 A 644: he was a patrician.
To Marcus Pontius, son of Marcus, Pupinia, Laelianus Larcius Sabinus, consul, pontifex, sodalis
Antoninianus Verianus, fetial priest, propraetorian legate of the Emperor of the province of Syria,
propraetorian legate of the Emperor of the province of Pannonia Superior, propraetorian
legate of the Emperor of Pannonia Inferior, comes of the deified Verus Augustus, decorated with
military decorations in the Armenian and Parthian war by the Emperors Antoninus and the
deified Verus, the Augusti, with crowns, a wall one, a rampart one, a naval one, a gold one, four
pure spears, four vexilla, comes of the Emperors Antoninus Augustus and the deified Verus in the
German war, likewise comes of the Emperor Antoninus Augustus Germanicus Sarmaticus,
legate of the First Legion Minervia, curator of the commonwealth of the Arausienses in the
province of Gallia Narbonensis, praetor, tribune of the plebs as candidate of the Emperor,
the deified Hadrian, in charge of the proceedings of the senate, quaestor of the province of
Narbonensis, military tribune of the Sixth Legion Victrix, with which he crossed from
Germany to Britain, quattuorvir viarum curandarum. To this man the senate, on the proposal of
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus Armeniacus Medicus Parthicus Maximus Germanicus
Sarmaticus, decreed that a statue in civilian dress be set up at public expense in the Forum of
the deified Trajan.
Laelianus’ consulship, datable to 145,³⁵ should be about twenty years after his
service in VI Victrix, ‘with which he crossed from Germany to Britain’, surely
in 122 (see under Gov. 18). Some forty years later Fronto praised his ‘oldfashioned
discipline’ (Ad Verum imp. 2. 1. 22, 128 van den Hout) on L. Verus’
staff in the East. He surely remembered Hadrian’s restoration of discipline in
Germany and Britain (see under Gov. 18). His tribe Pupinia is found only in
Italy and at Baeterrae in Narbonensis,where he was quaestor and curator of
Arausio. Perhaps his home was Baeterrae;³⁶ but Italian origin is likelier. A son
was cos. ord. 163.³⁷