Friday, March 28, 2025

THE PROBLEM OF THE IRISH ARTHURS (with a proposed "triple" solution)

The Distribution of Ogam Inscriptions in the British Isles

Over the years I have hammered away at what I call the 'Irish Arthur' problem.  In brief, no one has been able to satisfactorily account for why all the Arthurs of the Dark Ages who are in the generation immediately following the famous Arthur of the Historia Brittonum and the Annales Cambriae belong to Irish-descended dynasties in Britain.

I've written many pieces on the subject.  One of the better ones, which is a sort of summary of the problem, can be read here:


The main focal point of "The Problem" does not lie in Dessi-founded Dyfed in SW Wales.  We might be able to allow for the name Arthur being brought there not only because, like the Dalriadans in the North, the Dessi were Irish, but because one of the members of the Dyfed pedigree (in the Irish version; the Welsh version substituted Roman names) was named Artchorp, 'Bear-body' (name etymologized by Professor Jurgen Uhlich). The Dyfed Arthur, son of Pedr, is also dated after Arthur of Dalriada, although before Arthur son of Bicoir 'the Briton' (who probably does not belong in Kintyre, but in NW Wales; see the Beccurus Stone at Gesail Cyfarch).  

To tackle The Problem head-on, we have to look at Dalriada, where the earliest historically attested Arthur occurs, viz. Arthur son of Aedan (or of Conaing, Aedan's son, a man bearing a name derived from English cyning, 'king, ruler, emperor').

We have fairly decent records for a British wife being taken by Aedan son of Gabran.  As all efforts to parse the name Arthur as Celtic (including my own) rather than as being derived from the Latin/Roman Artorius have failed, we must presume that the name Arthur came into the Dalriadan royal family via a British wife.  

Maithgemma or 'Gemma' (a hypocoristic form of the name) was a daughter of Aedan and a niece of a British king. However, her name, meaning "Bear", is Irish, not British.  But it is interesting, nonthesless, given the propensity among Cumbric speakers to view Arthur as containing arth, their word for bear.

The only British kingdom worth considering when it comes to intermarriage for the Dalriadans is, of course, Strathclyde, with its center at Alclud.  

I've made a case before for seeing Uther Pendragon, the Cruel (see GPC for the maenings of uthr, and the reference to Arthur son of Uter being cruel in a gloss to a Historia Brittonum MS.) Leader of Warriors as Ceredig Wledig of Alclud, who is called the 'cruel tyrant' in a St. Patrick source.  A letter by Patrick is addressed to his rapacious soldiers. Ceredig's floruit is perfect in terms of chronology.  Patrick's life is treated of in the section just before that of Arthur in the HB.  This Strathclyde ruler was vilified to the extreme, so it would not be unexpected for a poetic term for him to have been substituted, as otherwise Arthur's reputation would be tarnished.

As the Strathclyde kingdom was the earlier territory of the Dumnonii tribe, and a tribe of the identical name inhabited Cornwall in the Roman period, would could easily account for the tradition which tended to situate Arthur in Cornwall.   

But if we take this easy way out of The Problem, we are faced with the following two questions:

1) How/why did the name Arthur find its way into the elite of the Strathclyde kingdom?

and

2) If Arthur was son of Ceredig of Alclud, is it plausible to have the former fight the English in the east as Rhydderch Hael, King of Strathclyde. (b. c. 540), (d. 614?) would later on?

We can tackle the second question first, as it is rather easy to answer.

The HB account literally says that Arthur was a leader in war and that he fought with the British kings against the Saxons.  This sounds either like a sort of overlord or, just as plausibly, a mercenary captain.
As Strathclyde was a powerful kingdom early on, there is no reason why one of its royal sons could not have taken on either role.  

The first question is quite a bit harder.

We pretty much have to evoke the ghost of good, old L. Artorius Castus, and accept that he did participate in campaigns in the North.  And that whatever he did there made his name famous enough among the Northern British that it was preserved, handed down and, ultimately resurfaced as the name of a son of Ceredig of Alclud.  And this is true despite the bulk of the evidence supporting the view that Castus went to Armenia and was not involved in any of the later major Roman campaigns in northern Britain.  We would have to adopt one of my proposed readings for the ARM[...]S lacuna on his memorial stone: "arm(atas) gentes". 

PETRA CLOITHE AND PETRIANA/'ARTHURIBURGUM'

Bartrum says of Ceredig Wledig: "He appears in the unique pedigree of the kings of Strathclyde in the ‘Harleian Genealogies’..."

To quote the relevant section for the Harleian:

Ystrad Clud
[R]un map Arthgal map Dumnagual map Riderch map Eugein map Dumnagual map Teudebur map Beli map Elfin map Eugein map Beli map Neithon map Guipno map Dumngual hen map Cinuit map Ceritic guletic map Cynloyp map Cinhil map Cluim map Cursalem map Fer map Confer, ipse est uero olitauc dimor meton uenditus est.

Gwyr y Gogledd
[R]iderch hen map Tutagual map Clinoch map Dumgual hen.

We notice immediately that there is a huge discrepancy between these two pedigrees for Rhydderch.  And all kinds of related chronological issues (when reckoning by the generations).

And this is where a rather unusual confluence of "coincidences" may come into play.

1) In Adomnan, Alclud - the 'Aloo' of the Patrick source - is called Petra Cloithe. 

2) Arthur of Dyfed is the son of Pedr, viz. Petrus.

3) Arthur son of Bicoir is said to kill Mongan with a stone (lapide).

4) The largest Roman cavalry fort in all Britain and the command center of Hadrian's Wall at Stanwix, properly Uxellodunum, is called Petriana in the Notitia Dignitatum.  The Ala Petriana was named for Titus Pomponius Petra. Thought by some to be a mere ghost name, based on the cavalry unit that was there throughout the late period, there are some scholars who accept it as a genuine nickname for the place.  Stanwix is close to the Aballava (Avalana; Avalon?, with its Dea Latis/Lake Goddess) Roman fort, the Concavata ( = Grail?) Roman fort, and the Roman fort of Camboglanna (Camlan?). 

There is an antiquarian record of the Stanwix fort being called ARTHURIBURGUM, 'Arthur's fort.'

It is possible, I wonder, that Ceredig Wledig does not belong at Alclud, but that the Aloo of the Patrick source is an error for Petriana/Uxellodunum?

Obviously, all the stone references may point instead to Alclud itself, and that is, perhaps, the more reasonable assumption.  

But... look at the map:




I would add - and this is important - that I'd long ago proven St. Patrick himself came from Birdoswald, the Banna Roman fort (https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2019/02/banna-as-home-of-st-patrick-repost.html). This fort was in the same river-valley as Camboglanna. 

If we want an alternate explanation as to why the god Mabon is the servant of Uther Pendragon in the PA GUR, we can look to the Lochmaben Stone just a dozen kilometers NW of Petriana.  A Maponus inscription (https://romaninscriptionsofbritain.org/inscriptions/2063) is thought to come from Castlesteads/Camboglanna or its environs.  

Past research focused on Banna and the River Irthing as the possible Arthurian center. Thr People of the Bear ( = Arthwys) probably lived here, as Irthing itself has been etymologized as the Little Bear.  But it does not seem possible to place Uther at Banna unless one resorts to linking the Galfridian draco of Uther with the Dacian draco (the Dacians being the late garrison at Birdoswald). Welsh scholars are against this, pointing out that Geoffrey of Monmouth misinterpreted the Pendragon epithet and that "dragon" in that context was a well-known Welsh poetic term for warrior or warriors.

My recent work on the Welsh Badon as being twice fixed at Badbury/Liddington, which seems to fit with Illtud as Uther Pendragon, still ignores the linguistics of the Badon name, found in the later Welsh sources in a spelling that plainly indicated a Bath site.  And I've always known that Uther may have been fancifully identified with Illtud due to the latter's military titles.  There is a perfectly good Bathum at Buxton in the High Peak, the ancient Aquae Arnemetia, where there was a Roman road called by the early Saxons Bathamgate

A possible link to Sawyl Benisel of Ribchester through the Illtud identification remains a valid theory as well.  The reason I like that oneis because we have a clearly established link between Sawyl and northeastern Ireland, a link that could even have involved Dalriada.  See


Sawyl remains a prime candidate for Arthur's father through the possible Sawyl reading in the Welsh elegy MARWNAT VTHYR PEN, and Uther's son Madog and grandson Eliwlad.  Both these last individuals resemble to an uncanny degree the Madog Ailithir known to be a son of Sawyl Benisel.  Ailithir is 'other land', a word for a pilgrim (as Madog went to Ireland to become a saint). Welsh (g)wlad also meant 'land', and Eli- is exactly how Irish Aile would be rendered in Welsh (according to several leading Celticists).  Thus the identification of Madog and Eliwlad with Madog Ailithir remains highly attractive.

In summary, the Dalriadan Arthur, the first "historical" personage of that name we know of, has to have been named for a famous British Arthur in the previous generation.  

As I see it, there are three possibilities as to who that earlier British Arthur may have been:

1) son of Ceredig Wledig of Alclud

2) son of Ceredig Wledig of Petriana/Uxellodunum

3) son of Sawyl Benisel of Ribchester (remembering that Mabon was also worshipped at the Ribchester Roman fort)

The only thing keeping me from committing wholly to Sawyl is the Dyfed Arthur, son of Pedr.  If Pedr did not choose his son's name because of a famous Arthur belonging to a Petra or Petriana site, we have to assume he did so only because of his Dessi Artchorp progenitor and/or because the famous Arthur was himself part-Irish (something distinctly possible with Sawyl's offspring, as he took an Irish princess as his wife). 

And the stone of the Bicoir story is no big deal, either, as that can be shown to be drawn from a folktale involving the menhir at Dun Beachaire in Kintyre.

In conclusion, then, Sawyl Benisel looks the most attractive to me as a potential Uther Pendragon.























Sunday, March 23, 2025

ILLTUD THE TERRIBILIS MAGISTER MILITUM AND HIS SON, ARTHUR: AN OUTLINE OF A NEW/OLD THEORY

           Liddington Castle, Badbury

Illtud = terribilis [miles]
Illtud =                magister militum
                           princeps militum
             Uther    Pen           dragon

Sometimes you get lucky and things are simple. But then you make the mistake of complicating them through personal bias.

I wanted a Northern Arthur - for a variety of reasons. Thus when I came to the certain conclusion that Uther was St. Illtud, I immediately employed the Sawyl of the Uther elegy and in the tradition of the saint to move Arthur's father north to Ribchester, home of Sawyl Benisel.

I even chose to ignore the Uther-Mabon relationship.

And I did this despite some truly significant findings made concerning Illtud's father and place of origin. 

For Illtud's father Bican and his homeland of Llydaw was a distorted reference to Bicknor and Lydbrook in what had been the ancient kingdom of Ercing, a region rife with Arthurian associations. Bicknor itself, an English place-name, had earlier been the Church of Constantine and in the Galfridian tradition, a Constantine is the father of Uther.

But it didn't stop there. The Bican of Bicknor and Lydbrook had their perfectly matching counterparts at Bican Dic and Lyd Brook at Badbury in Wiltshire. Liddington Castle is the Badon mentioned in the context of the Second Battle of Badon in the Welsh Annals.

And still I clung to my Northern Arthur!

Until just a short time ago, when I realized the Cefn Digoll ("unbroken or continuous ridge") of the Welsh DREAM OF RHONABWY, where Badon is situated, was a rolocation of the Ridgeway on Wiltshire, which runs right at the foot of Liddington Castle.

The same Ridgeway connects Liddington with nearby Barbury Castle, the Fort of the Bear. The Arth- of the name Arthur was linked by the Welsh with their name for bear, 'arth.'

So two Welsh sources identified Badon as the Liddington Castle of
Illtud!

But wait - there's more!

The Roman period name of the Liddington Badbury, according to Rivet and Smith (in THE PLACE-NAMES OF ROMAN BRITAIN) was...

DUROCORNOVIUM

A name that contained the same British word that yields Cernyw, i.e. Cornwall. Yes - the very Cornwall were Arthur was traditionally placed.

Now, combine all that with the ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE's account of a nonvictorius battle by the Gewissei at Barbury near Liddington, followed by a 36 year gap before another unsuccessful incursion into Wiltshire, and we have what appears to be the Arthur story. 

And the only good place for the Battle of Badon in that narrative is right after the failed attempt by the Saxons and their allies to take the Bear's Fort.

Chronological questions abound, of course. I've discussed those in the past and may treat of them again in the near future.

As for the Arthurian battles, I've shown that they are Cymracized versions of the ASC's Gewissei battles. Meaning that Arthur was the chief military leader against those Saxons who would eventually found the Kingdom of Wessex.

Seems that I will definitely be writing a new book on Arthur sometime in the future. Maybe a good project for my retirement?












Saturday, March 22, 2025

ARTHUR AND BARBURY CASTLE: EVIDENCE AND THE LITTLE VOICE IN THE BACK OF MY HEAD

                      Barbury Castle

When I wrote this piece just a week or so ago -


- I was leaning towards Ceredig son of Cunedda as the best candidate for Arthur. However, I could only do this by viewing the Welsh PA GUR's identification of Uther as Illtud, and the whole Uther and Illtud business with Samuel/Sawyl as spurious tradition. 

Despite the fact that a little voice in the back of my head kept insisting that I was making a mistake. That I was willfully ignoring the only evidence we had for the identity of Arthur's father for the sake of reading the MARWNAT VTHYR PEN's pen kawell as a reference to Ceawlin/Cunedda. And that I was doing this solely because I liked the latter theory better.

Only the other day I had cause to revisit my dilemma. I had been ignorant of the fact the Barbury Castle, the 'Bear's fort', appears to show Dark Age activity, if not reuse:

From


"Early medieval There is considerable evidence for early medieval activity in and around Barbury Castle in the form of artefacts and, possibly, human remains. At the hillfort itself a scramasax of 6th- or 7th-century date was found before 1934 with fragments of several others, smaller single-edged knives and a spearhead; in 1939-45 human skeletons buried in the rampart were found by American troops and these have been assigned an early medieval date (Meaney 1964, 265) though on what evidence is unclear. Colonel Burne recorded that: `To the consternation of the archaeologists ... [US Army] soldiers brought up bulldozers to Barbury Castle and began deliberately to demolish the vallum. When human bones were found in the excavating bucket, they deemed it time to report an unusual occurrence. Mr Alexander Keiller went out at once to the site and was in time to photograph a section of the vallum which showed that the parapet had at some time been heightened by a few feet' (1950, 399). Burne argued that this heightening of the rampart was done by the Britons prior to the Battle of Beranburgh, so the dating of the skeletons to the same period may be due to his influence. Some (but apparently not all) of Keiller's photographs survive (Alexander Keiller Museum, Avebury, No 20000584), showing that it was on the north side of the west entrance that the skeletons were found; these surviving photographs do not show evidence for the heightening of the rampart, however. It should also be noted that a fragment of human skull has been found more recently on the outer rampart to the south of the east entrance (Lynne Simpson pers comm). Barbury Castle, the lower ground to the north or the ridge to the south-east, is the traditional site of the Battle of Beranburgh in 556, a possibly indecisive encounter between the Saxons under Ceawlin and Cynric, and the Britons. The battle was
discussed by Maskelyne (1886, 191-3) who believed it to have been a great Saxon victory, but later writers have emphasised that victory was not achieved until Dyrham in 577 (e.g. Entwistle 1994, 77). There seems to be general agreement, however, that the battle was fought near, not at, the hillfort. The OS have placed it at SU 147 768, 500m north of the fort, while Burne argues that it took place 750m south-east of the fort on Smeath's Ridge (1950, 402). The Battle of Ellandun, decisive victory of Egbert of Wessex over Beornwulf of Mercia in 825, is also believed to have taken place at Wroughton (Smurthwaite 1984, 36-7)."

Now, the word "indecisive" there pretty much says it all. For I once discussed the 36 year Wiltshire gap in the ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE:


Southern England was the most heavily Romanized part of the island. There is no problem with the Artorius name having been preserved there into the sub-Roman. The name was not rare and we need not restrict its origin to the northern 2nd century L. Artorius Castus.

But, there is a real problem with claiming it as a second name for Cerdic of Wessex. There is no problem suggesting it belonged to a war prince at Barbury whose father hailed from Durocornovium at the Liddington Badon. And that the Arthur name, taken by the Britons as a bear name, caused the English to name the fort for the Bear who ruled there.

It may well be that I shall have to write yet another book. One that places the great Arthur in Wiltshire.




Wednesday, March 19, 2025

FINAL WORK ON ARTHUR'S CAMLAN, PART TWO

The Cams, Hampshire



ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE

530

Her Cerdic 7 Cynric genaman Wihte ealand 7 ofslogan fea men on Wihtgarabyrig.

534

Her Cerdic forðferde, 7 Cynric his sunu rixode .xxvii. wintra, 7 hie gesealdan heora twam nefum, Stufe 7 Wihtgare, Wihte ealand.

A.D. 530. This year Cerdic and Cynric took the isle of Wight, and slew many men in Carisbrook.

A.D. 534. This year died Cerdic, the first king of the West-Saxons. Cynric his son succeeded to the government, and reigned afterwards twenty-six winters. And they gave to their two nephews, Stuff and Wihtgar, the whole of the Isle of Wight.

WELSH ANNALS

537

The battle of Camlann, in which Arthur and Medraut fell: and there was plague in Britain and Ireland.

537 

Gueith camlann in qua Arthur et Medraut corruerunt, et mortalitas in Brittannia et in Hibernia fuit.



This post is a continuation of the one offered here:


That article covered my findings pertaining to the Welsh Camlan (the Afon Gamlan).

Here I wish to discuss in some detail what I think is the actual, as opposed to the traditional, site.

Some time ago I put forward an outlandish idea - one that was quite harshly received.  In fact, it was so universally disliked that I pulled the relevant blogs.  However, I've recently had cause to reexamine the theory and have obtained some support for at least the premise from Dr. Richard Coates, one of the top experts in English place-names.

By now, my readers are aware that I was the person who first proposed (to Dr. Oliver Padel) that the name Medraut or, rather, the Cornish form Modred, represented the well-attested Roman/Latin name Moderatus.

When I was considering Arthur as an opponent of Cerdic of Wessex (or that Arthur actually was Cerdic of Wessex/Ceredig son of Cunedda), I had noticed something peculiar.  Yes, Cerdic's and Arthur's death-dates pretty nearly correspond: Cerdic in 534, Arthur c. 537.  But when it came to Cerdic, the context of his death was important.  We are told that 4 years prior he had fought at the fort of Wight (Carisbrook).  Upon his death, the Isle of Wight is given to Wihtgar and Stuf.  

Now this Stuf is earlier mentioned during the battle at Cerdicesora, probably the Ower by Netley (the Natanleag of the ASC Cerdic battles), but also possibly the Ower by Calshot. To my eye, the proximity of Stubbington, Hampshire, to these Owers, and to Wight, was interesting.   The place-name specialists (Ekwall, Mills, Watts) have two ideas for Stubbington.  Either it contains a personal name Stubba or it is from stubbing, a Middle English term for cleared land with tree-stumps, from the OE word for tree-stump.

But we often find in certain circumstances that the letters b and f can be mistaken for each other, and thus substituted for each other.  I wondered if the ASC's Stuf could represent an attempted eponym for Stubbington.  As it happens, it is well-known that the early portion of the ASC contains several attested eponyms.  The most blatant, perhaps, is Port, a chieftain whose name supposedly lies behind the place-names Portchester and Portsmouth. 

[I have asked Dr. Coates, who is working on the Isle of Wight place-names right now, what his take is on Stuf and Stubbington. His response will be added to this blog post in due course.]

An even more fascinating place-name was near Stubbington: The Cams, a name which preserved W. camas, 'bend', for the remarkable loop in the estuary of the Wallington River at Portsmouth Harbour.  The Cams Shore is spoken of in modern times, but we have ancient ora place-names all over the region.  The closest to The Cams  (actually right next to Cams Bay) is Wicor.  According to Coates, this is for wic ‘specialized farm’ + ora 'shore, bank.'

When I asked Coates if The Cams might well have had an ora attached to it, he remarked that it was possible. 

But an additional surprise was soon forthcoming.  As it turned out, the name of the principal river of Wight - Medina, from OE medume - had among its various meanings "moderate."  In other words, had someone known what medume meant, he could have rendered it into Latin as 'moderatus.'  And that word could have been miscontrued at some point as a personal name. 

Silly, right?

Well, not so fast.

Just across from the Medina, on the shore of Hampshire, the River Meon empties into The Solent at Stubbington! We have records that the people of the Meon were called the MEONWARA.

So, I went ahead and asked Dr. Coates what the inhabitants of the Medina would have been called. His reply:

"I suppose it would be *Meodemware."

What I'm thinking now, therefore, is that Medraut/Modred/Moderatus is an error for the men of the River Medina, who were fighting either for or against Arthur.  If after the battle of Carisbrook in 530 Cerdic had the Isle of Wight, and The Cams [ora] = Camlan, then Cerdic and the men of Medina fell at The Cams.

I feel fairly confident that this may really be what happened.

***

The complete listing for Medina, courtesy Coates:

The Medina

Medine c. 1200 HMC, 1299 RS, t. Ed 4 Ct

Medme 1279 Ass, (cursum aque que vocat’) medeme before 1295 CarD, Medeme c.1250 QCh, 13th AD, Madox, AD, t. Ed. 1 RS, Medome 1299 RS

Medone 1299 Add

Mede c.1240x1250 GBCart, c.1250 QCh, 13th AOMB, ?13th (18th) Harl, aqua de Meda 1300 CarD

Medene R. 1775 M, River Medina 1781 M, R. Medena 1785 M

Ekwall (1928: 283-284 and DEPN) suggested that Medina and the name of the river Meden (Nottinghamshire) derive from the OE adjective medume, meodeme ‘middle’. That is appropriate for this river, which divides the island into two approximately equal halves. Forms like Medine and Medeine, which also occur in the names of the hundreds deriving from the river-name, probably result from mistaken resolution of minim-letter sequences in medieval handwriting, with <m> resolved as <in>. Subsequently Medine was latinized as Medina; there is no such Latin word, but it no doubt conveniently suggested medium ‘centre’ and related words. The name is now stressed on the second syllable, on the model of the many names, especially female given names, ending with     -ina.

Ekwall (1928: 284) explains the short form Mede as being due to the fact that the river name appeared in long hundred-names such as *Estemedeme hundred. He felt that the loss of the <m> could be due to the second of three nasal consonants <…m…m…n…> in the long name being affected by dissimilation or haplology. In both the river-name and  the hundred-names the shorter form is not found after the 14th century, after which, in the hundred-names, it is usually supplanted by forms in <-in->. That may suggest that the reason for the loss of <-m-> is really to be traced in the sociolinguistics of the High Middle Ages. Only one instance of the shorter form is found after the Black Death (1348-9) which precipitated the decline of French in legal-administrative usage. In medieval French, final resonant consonants in words adapted from Latin, where they represented historic syllables two after the stressed syllable, were strongly subject to elision (angele > ange, imagene > image, virgene > vi(e)rge), and this may be a reason for the early reduction of initially-stressed Medeme to Mede by scribes conversant with Law French. A further contributory factor may be the resemblance of the first syllable to the familiar ME place-name element mēde ‘meadow’.[1] From the later 14th century, local usage mediated by writers of English prevailed, though using the forms in <-in-> which had become normal.

A full discussion of medume from the University of Texas:


medume, medeme, meodume; adj. I. middling, moderate, common :-- Medeme mediocer, Ælfc. Gr. 9, 18; Som. 9, 67. Gif hwylc man forstele deórwurþe þing ... Gif hwylc man medeme þing (rem mediocrem) UNCERTAIN stele, L. Ecg. P. ii. 25; Th. ii. 192, 17-20. II. occupying the middle or mean position as regards (a) size, amount, etc. :-- Medume leódgeld a half fine (cf. medietas leudis, and other examples, Grmm. R. A. 653), L. Ethb. 7; Th. i. 4, 9: 21; Th. i. 8, 3. Hé hæfþ medemne wæstm he is of middle height, Homl. Th. i. 456, 18. Heáfdu medumra manna heads of average, ordinary men, Salm. Kmbl. 525; Sal. 262. Gehwar gebúrrihta sýn hefige, gehwar medeme (moderate), L. R. S. 4; Th. i. 434, 5. Se mǽsta segl acateon; se medemesta segl epidromas; se lesta dalum, Wrt. Voc. i. 56, 51-53. (b) place, rank, means :-- Medemra þegna heregeata the medial thanes' heriots, L. C. S. 72; Th. i. 414, 12. Ic tǽhte ðám rícan ... ic tǽhte ðám medeman mannum ... Ic bebeád þearfum, Homl. Th. i. 378, 20. Heáfodmynstres griþbryce ... medemran mynstres ... and ðonne git læssan, L. Eth. ix. 5; Th. i. 342, 1: L. C. E. 3; Th. i. 360, 21. Ðæs medemestan lífes (the life mid-way between the best and worst, cf. mon forlǽt ðæt wyrreste líf and ne mæg git cuman tó ðæm betstan, 10), Past. 51, 6; Swt. 399, 15. (c) age :-- Mínre yldstan déhter ... ðære medemestan ... ðære gingstan, Chart. Th. 488, 28-32: 489, 23-25. III. observing the just mean, perfect, meet, fit, worthy :-- Hé wæs þurh eall meodum (MS. B. medeme: MS. O. medum) erat dignus per omnia, Bd. 4, 3; S. 567, 19. Meoduma, Mt. Kmbl. Rush. 10, 37. Hwelc se beón scolde ðe medome (dignus) hierde bión sceolde, Past. 11, 7; Swt. 73, 20, Medeme, Blickl. Homl. 129, 35. Hé wyrþ ǽlces cræftes medeme (fit for, capable of) ... ǽlces þinges swá medeme swá hé ǽfre medemast (medomist, MS. Cott.), Bt. 38, 5; Fox 206, 25-29. Hwylc ðæt medeme gód wæs hwylc ðæt unmedeme quæ sit imperfecti, quæ perfecti boni forma, 35, 1; Fox 134, 4. Medeme fæsten a proper fast, L. E. I. 39; Th. ii. 436, 35. Medeme lác, Blickl. Homl. 37, 32. Ful medomne wæstm, 55, 5. Drihtne tó geearnienne medome folc ('a prepared people,' Lk. 1, 17), 165, 15. Ne gedéþ se anweald gódne ne meodumne (MS. Cott. medomne) power makes him neither good nor worthy, Bt. 16, 3; Fox 56, 20. Góde and medeme, Blickl Homl. 129, 23; 32. Mid medemum wæstmum hreówe dignis pænitentia fructibus, Bd. 4, 27; S. 604, 24: Mt. Kmbl. 3, 8. Medeme þinc res dignas, Kent. Gl. 396. Drihten ðú ðe eall medemu geworhtest and náht unmedemes, Shrn. 165, 31. Ne mágon wé nánwuht findan betere (MS. Cott. medemre) ðonne God, Bt. 34, 4; Fox 138, 26. Nis meodumre ne mára ðonne it is not too good nor too great for, Exon. 38 a; Th. 125, 16; Gú. 355. Ðæt medemæste the best, Bt. 24, 4; Fox 86, 10. Ða medumestan ealdras exspectabiles senatores, Wrt. Voc. ii. 145, 51. [O. H. Ger. metam, metem.] v. un-medume.

My previous articles on The Cams:







Monday, March 17, 2025

Coming Soon: FINAL WORK ON ARTHUR'S CAMLAN, PART TWO


I will soon be revealing the real location of Camlan, as well as the true identity of Medraut/Modred/Moderatus.

Sunday, March 16, 2025

FINAL WORK ON ARTHUR'S CAMLAN: PART ONE

[From Koch, Celtic Culture]

If, based on the arguments laid out here for Arthur as Ceredig son of Cunedda/Cerdic of Wessex -


- we then set about looking for Arthur's Camlan, two candidates emerge. One is presented here in this blog and is comprised of older material. The other will be offered in Part Two of this piece (to be posted separately).

An Arthur whose Welsh kingdom equated with Ceredigion might well have engaged in internecine warfare farther north in Gwynedd. As it happens, it is there that we find the traditional Welsh localization of the Camlan battle site.

Camlann and the Grave of Osfran’s Son

The purpose of this essay is to prove, once and for all, where Arthur’s Camlann battle site was located. Or, more accurately, where Welsh tradition happen to place it!

It is fairly well known that the Welsh record seven survivors of Camlann. Yet, to my knowledge, no one has sought to plot these personages out on a map. To do so may help us pinpoint a geographical region in which Camlann was believed to be situated.

One of the seven – Geneid Hir – it a difficult and otherwise unknown name. P.C. Bartram (in “A Welsh Classical Dictionary: People in History and Legend up to about A.D. 1000) suggests the name may be corrupt and offers an unlikely identification with a personage named Eueyd or Euehyd Hir (often rendered Hefeydd). However, I would see in Geneid ‘Cannaid’, “white, bright, shining, pure, clean, radiant,” an epithet substituted for the original title Ceimiad, ‘Pilgrim’, of St. Elian. Elian had churches on Mon/Anglesey and in Rhos, Gwynedd.

Sandde Bryd Angel looks to be a pun for the Afon Angell, Aberangell, etc., places immediately to the south of the Camlan on the Afon Dyfi in Merionethshire.

Morfran son of Tegid is from Llyn Tegid, now Bala Lake in Gwynedd.

St. Cynfelyn is of Llancynfelyn in Ceredigion just below the Afon Dyfi.

St. Cedwyn of Llangedwyn in Powys, while somewhat further removed than the rest, is still in NW Wales.

St. Pedrog of Llanbedrog is on the Lleyn Peninsula in Gwynedd, just opposite the three Camlans in Merionethshire.

St. Derfel Gadarn is at Llandderfel near Bala Lake in Gwynedd.

Needless to say, if we “triangulate” with all these names/places, we find at the center the three
Merionethshire Camlans.

So which one is the right one?

Only one way to know for sure: we must find the Camlann that is claimed as the gravesite of Osfran’s son. This reference comes from the ‘Stanzas of the Graves:’

Bet mab Ossvran yg Camlan,
Gvydi llauer kywlavan…

The grave of Osfran’s son is at Camlan,
After many a slaughter…

[“The Black Books of Carmarthen ‘Stanzas of the
Graves’, Thomas Jones, Sir John Rhys Memorial
Lecture, 1967, Critical Text and Translation.]

While –fran of Osfran looks like Bran or ‘Raven’, the Os- does not look at all right for a Welsh name. I suspected Ys- and after a first search failed, I defaulted to bryn or ‘hill’ as the original of –bran. Thus I was looking for an Ysbryn.

And I actually found him – or, rather, it! [See “An
Inventory of the Ancient Monuments in Wales  and Monmouthshire: VI – County of Merioneth”, p. 98, RCAHMW, 1921.]

On the Mawddach River in Merionethshire there is a Foel Ispri. It used to be Moel Ysbryn and was the legendary residence of Ysbryn Gawr or Ysbryn the Giant. If we go north on the Mawddach we run into its tributary the Afon Gamlan, i.e. the Water of the Crooked Bank.

According to David Hopewell, Senior Archaeologist with the Gwynedd Archaeological Trust, 

"As far as we know the Roman road runs to the east of the Mawddach.  It is well-preserved and easy to trace from Tomen-y-Mur to Penystryd (just E of Bronaber) after that it presumably runs to Brithdir but its line is somewhat debatable.  On current evidence I don’t know of anything crossing the Gamlan."

Hopewell has more on this in

"The well preserved length of road at Pen y Stryd dictates the alignment of the northern part of this road. The southern half is mainly predicted. There are two main candidates for the route, either along the line of the [A470] turnpike along the western side of Coed y Brenin and then onwards towards Dolgellau along the Mawddach valley or along hillsides to the east of the Mawddach and through Bwlch Goriwared to Brithdir. The former is often dismissed because it runs to Dolgellau which was thought to be a potential site of a Roman fort before the discovery of the fortlet at Brithdir. There are however indications that the Roman road may have turned in this direction after Pen y Stryd. The latter route runs fairly directly to Brithdir but little physical evidence has been discovered despite a great deal of investigation by several workers in the field. Waddelove’s route is conjectural and again relies on the
presence of a fort art Dolgellau. His argument for this, based on the current street plan of the town, is
unconvincing."

As it is common for modern roads to follow the course of the old Roman roads, I think we can feel fairly confident that the A470 is, in the main, marks the route during the Roman and sub-Roman periods.

[From D. Hopewell]
 


In a section of my book THE MYSTERIES OF AVALON, I included the following note detailing one of the supposed sites for Arthur’s grave. As it happens, this tradition matches the one that places Camlan on the Afon Gamlan.

A Note on Northwestern Wales as the Site of
Arthur’s Grave

There are a few Camlans/Gamlans in northwestern Wales or Gwynedd. The presence of these sites has prompted various Arthurian scholars to propose that Arthur fought his last and fatal battle in this region. The modern champions of this notion are Steve Blake and Scott Lloyd, whose book PENDRAGON: THE DEFINITIVE ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGINS OF KING ARTHUR, was released in 2003 by Lyons press.

We cannot ignore these Camlans or Gamlans (the most noteworthy being the Afon Gamlan, a river) when searching for a historical Arthur. Unlike the placement of Camlan (or Camlann) in
Cornwall, something done by Geoffrey of Monmouth in his HISTORY OF THE
KINGS OF BRITAIN, Gwynedd can claim to possess real candidates for Arthur’s final battle site. The only other known site that qualifies linguistically is much further north – Camboglanna on Hadrian’s Wall, which I have discussed above in Chaper 3.

Blake and Lloyd place their trust in a very late medieval source, the VERA HISTORIA MORTE DE ARTHURI, a work dated in extant MSS. to c.
1300, although perhaps to originals dating between 1199 and 1203. According to Blake and Lloyd, the VERA HISTORIA probably was written in Gwynedd. I will not contest this point, as it may well be correct.

The importance of the VERA HISTORIA lies in its placement of Arthur’s interment – and thus of Avalon – in Gwynedd. Although Blake and Lloyd are familiar with the Gwynedd tradition which places Arthur’s grave at Carnedd Arthur near Cwm-y-llan or Cym Llan (an error for Cwm Llem, the Valley of the river Llem), they choose to ignore this bit of folklore and instead settle on Tre
Beddau near Llanfair, well to the east on the Conwy River, as the actual burial place of the king. They deduce this from the fact that the VERA HISTORIA states that the grave is near a church of St. Mary (in Welsh, Llan-fair), and that archaeologists have recently uncovered a Dark Age or 6th century cemetery at Tre Beddau.

[Note: Cwm Llan is a very clumsy attempt at rendering Camlan, and is obviously spurious tradition.]

Unfortunately, the authors of PENDRAGON also choose to ignore the description of the burial place of Arthur as preserved in the VERA HISTORIA. In their own words, the burial of Arthur after Camlan is told as follows:

“… the VERA HISTORIA describes the funeral of Arthur as taking place at a chapel dedicated to the Virgin, the entrance to which was so narrow that the mourners had to enter by first forcing their shoulder into the gap and then dragging the rest of their body through the opening. While the funeral took place inside the chapel, a large storm blew up and a mist descended, so thick that is was impossible to see the body of Arthur – which had been left outside, as it would not fit into the chapel. Following the storm the mourners came out to find that the body had gone and the tomb prepared for Arthur was sealed shut, ‘such that it rather seemed to be one single stone’.”

Now, this passage quite obviously DOES NOT portray a 6th century Christian cemetery. Rather, it is a fitting description of a ‘chapel’ comparable to the “Green Chapel’ of SIR GAWAIN AND THE GREEN KNIGHT. In other words, the said ‘chapel’ is a Neolithic chambered tomb, whose passage is so tight as to barely allow the entrance of the mourners.

Furthermore, we are talking about TWO conjoined passage tombs – one that is the chapel of the Virgin, and the other which mysteriously receives the body of King Arthur. In all of Gwynedd, there is only one such ancient monument: that of the double chamber tomb of Dyffryn Ardudwy not far west of the Afon Gamlan.

One of the two chambers of Dyffryn Ardudwy is actually known as Coetan Arthur or Arthur’s Quoit. The “Virgin” is here a Christian embellishment on what would have been a pagan goddess associated with the Otherworld site.

The grave of Arthur discussed in the VERA HISTORIA is thus a product of folklore only. It can thus be dismissed as an actual grave of Arthur.

Granted, we cannot so easily dismiss the Camlans/Gamlans in northwestern Wales. Since writing this, Dr. Jessica Hughes of CADW has sent me information via snail-mail that adds important details to the description of the Dyffryn Ardudwy chambered tombs. To quote Dr. Hughes:

“The Chambered tomb at Dyffryn Ardudwy has been known as Coetan Arthur in the past, indeed antiquarian reports of the site refer to
Dyffryn as ‘Coetan Arthur’. However, the name appears to refer to the whole of the monument as opposed to a particular chamber. Interestingly (and maybe somewhat confusingly), one mile to the east of Dyffryn lies another chambered tomb known as ‘Cors-y-Gedal’. This was also known in the past as ‘Coetan Arthur’… Regarding whether there is a church of St. Mary in proximity to Dyffryn Ardudwy, I have found a church 4 miles north of Dyffryn in the village of
Llanfair. “

The enclosed Detail Report on this Church of St.
Mary states that Llanfair was dedicated to Mary “by at least the 12c when Gerald of Wales and Archbishop Bladwin stayed there in 1188…”

Here is the COFLEIN listing for the second chambered cairn:

http://www.coflein.gov.uk/en/site/93724/detai
ls/CORS-Y-GEDOL%2C+BURIAL+CHAMBER/

“A rather tapering rectilinear cairn, c.31m NESW by 14.5m, showing at its eastern end a number of orthostats, partly supporting a tipped capstone, c.3.6m by 3.0m & 0.45m thick: a spindlewhorl, thought to be IA, is said to have come from under the capstone.”

Both of these chambered tombs are directly west of the Afon Gamlan.




Friday, March 14, 2025

The Two Candidates for a Southern Arthur

                             Illtud

                             Cerdic

If we accept that Arthur really did fight at the Liddington Badbury, and therefore was a southern figure, in the past I've had two principal candidates for that figure: a son of St. Illtud and Cerdic of Wessex son of Cunedda.

In this blog post I will briefly re-explore both military leaders, listing the pros and cons for each argument. The choice is an interesting one, as Arthur and Cerdic would appear, in one scenario at least, to have been opponents. 

However, as I've conclusively shown that Cerdic was the son of the Irish chieftain Cunedda, and the Gewissei were federate mercenaries apparently fighting for a Welsh king based at Wroxeter, AND some historians (like Barbara Yorke) think Cerdic and the Gewissei were actually fighting for the British and were co-opted by the English conquerors, deciding between him and Illtud's son is made more difficult.

THE CASE FOR AND AGAINST ILLTUD AS FATHER OF ARTHUR

As I've described before, the PA GUR placement of Mabon servant of Uther Pendragon on the River Ely, etc., points to the military titles of St. Illtud (terribilis miles, magister militum, princeps militum) being the Latin equivalent of the Welsh Uther Pendragon.  Illtud, prior to becoming a religious, was captain of the soldiers under Paul Penychen.  I've demonstrated the the Bican father and Llydaw homeland of Illtud was, according to the hagiography, Bicknor and Lydbrook in what was the Kingdom of Ercing - but that these two place-names were also found at Liddington Castle in Wiltshire, the Badon of Arthur.

While Illtud seems like a perfect father of Arthur, there are some major problems with the identification.  First, the saint's Life makes him out to be Arthur's cousin.  Also, Illtud puts away his wife when he becomes a religious and is not said to have any children.  

Finally, it is entirely possible that the author of the PA GUR (or his source), knowing the Latin military titles of Illtud, decided simply to identity him with Uther Pendragon (who was, originally, an entirely different personage).  This would not be an unexpected development in the literary expression of heroic legend.  If Illtud is rightly to be associated with the Liddington Badbury, when he would have been ripe for conflation with Uther.

Finally, Mabon is found just across the River Thaw at Gileston (Church of Mabon of the Vale) from Penychen, so his being one of the predatory birds of the Ely may be due only to proximity to that river and have nothing to do with Illtud.

An Illtud as Arthur's father does not provide us with any means by which to explain why all the subsequent Arthurs belonged to Irish-descended dynasties in Britain.

THE CASE FOR AND AGAINST CUNEDDA AS FATHER OF ARTHUR

There is much to be said in favor of Cerdic as Arthur.  In fact, I once wrote an entire (rather convincing) book on the subject.  That title has since lapsed from publication.

The main problem, of course, is that we are dealing with two separate and very different names.  That in and of itself poses a significant problem.  While not an insurmountable one (as we have evidence for people bearing mixed Celtic and Roman names), it would pretty much be doomed for failure were it not for one very important fact: Cerdic son of Cunedda's kingdom had at its center the Afon Arth, the 'Bear Water', and no fewer than three of his immediate descendents have *Arto-/"Bear"- names.  The nature of their names points to some kind of regional bear cult and it is quite conceivable that the Latin Artorius (which became British Arthur) was chosen as a decknamen for Cerdic.  Perhaps he was originally styled the Bear King (W. Erthyr, Ir. Artri).

Professor Roger Tomlin long ago pointed out to me that Artorius was "not an uncommon name", and did not believe the Dark Age war-leader need be connected in any way to a Roman officer at York. Especially as whatever fame L. Artorius Castus achieved was the result of his activity in Armenia - which took place after he departed Britain. 

The second biggest problem has already been alluded to: according to English tradition, Cerdic and the Gewissei were fighting with the English against the British. If this is true, then clearly Cerdic wasn't Arthur.  On the other hand, the Celtic names (Ceawlin/Coline, a byname of Cunedda, plus Cerdic and Cynric/Cunorix) gives us pause.  Might Barbara Yorke's very tentative suggestion that these men were claimed as founders of Wessex by the victorious Saxons when, in reality, they were federate mercenaries on the side of the British, be valid?

It has always been strange that Arthur's floruit as presented to us by the ANNALES CAMBRIAE dates perfectly matches the floruit given for Cerdic of Wessex in the ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE.  Despite chronological problems across the board for the Gewissei, is Arthur and Cerdic were contemporary, then they were either enemies or they are one and the same person.  

HOW DO WE DECIDE BETWEEN THE TWO?

So, Illtud's son or Cunedda's son... which will it be?

Well, I keep coming back to the (by now!) dreaded MARWNAT VTHYR PEN elegy.  

In that poem, the terms 'pen kawell' and 'eil kawyl' can be subjected to a few different interpretations or emendations.

Pen Kawell of 'Chief Basket', if taken literally, could well be a Welsh attempt at Ceawlin, father of Cerdic.  Ceawl in AS in 'basket'.  This reading is actually allowed by the editor of the poem herself, Professor Marged Haycock, and by other top Celticists.  

Kawyl as a word does not exist.  It must be emended.  The most commonly accepted alteration is to propose that scribal eye-skip occurred from the previous k- in kawell and that the word should instead read 'sawyl', i.e. Sawyl or Samuel.  Illtud does seem to be associated with both the Biblical Samuel and a Samuel saint in southern Wales.  If kawyl is Sawyl, then kawell could be for cafell (as both words have the same origin), 'sanctuary'.  Pen Kawell, 'Chief of the Sanctuary', would be an epithet for God, who appears to be mentioned in the same line.  

Otherwise, we could look to kawyl as kanwyll, a 'candle in the gloom' to match the 'leader in the darkness' a few lines prior. Canwyll has the figurative sense of  'star' and I've wondered if this reading could have provided Geoffrey of Monmouth with his dragon-star.  The same author converted the gorlassar epithet of Uther to the new character, Gorlois, Duke of Cornwall.  Thus it would seem Geoffrey had knowledge of the elegy.  In the HISTORY OF THE KINGS OF BRITAIN, the dragon-star is said to be Uther himself.  An eil kanwyll in the elegy would mean that Uther had been transformed by God and was now 'like a candle/star.'

[It is also true that Pen Kawell could be an error for Pen Kanwyll, 'Chief Luminary', again a title.for God. Occam's Razor, however, favors either basket or sanctuary.]

Needless to say, we could retain kawell as 'basket', and then render kawyl as 'star.'  That would make Ceawlin out to be Uther Pendragon.

As Cunedda was Irish, we can account for the Irish-descended Arthurs subsequent to the more famous war-leader.

Quite a dilemma!

Fortunately, I may have a way to resolve it.  The evidence we need to make a decision lies here:


That article concentrates on geographically placing the other characters mentioned in the MARWNAT VYTHER PEN elegy.  All four are pretty firmly associated with the North or with northern Wales, especially with Gwynedd.  

As a side note, of the places mentioned in the elegy only one may be locatable: pen mynydd.  This looks to be the place of that name on Anglesey, where a dragon story very much like the one on Dinas Emrys was preserved.  See https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2021/10/uther-and-dragons-of-gwynedd.html.  Dinas Emrys is the Caer Dathal of Uther's relatives (https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2021/01/dinas-emrys-as-caer-dathal-late.html).

For the sake of comparison with the Uther elegy, see my treatment of the Welsh Cunedda elegy here:


If the various references to personages and places in the Uther elegy all point to the North and/or to northern Wales, then the notion that the poem refers to Illtud must be held highly suspect or even utterely abandoned.  

On the other hand, the elegy's content would support the contention that Uther is actually Cunedda/Ceawlin, the Pen Kawell of the poem.  











Thursday, March 13, 2025

*AMBIRIX, ARTHUR'S PREDECESSOR IN SOUTHERN BRITAIN?


If there is any truth to Arthur belonging to the South, then I might once again bring up a "historical" possibility for his predecessor, Ambrosius.  

The following two posts were written about the most likely prototype for Ambrosius, the latter being, in all likelihood, a folkloristic importation of the Gallic prefect of that name, conflated with his more famous son, St. Ambrose

Arthur and Beranburh/Barbury: A Repost of a Past Blog

Barbury Castle and the Ancient Ridgeway

From time to time in the past I'd speculated about a possible connection between Arthur and Barbury Castle, the "Bear's fort", in Wiltshire.  Nothing much ever came of this speculation, however - but only perhaps because I did not push it far enough.  I will attempt to redress this deficiency here.

The year entry for Beranburh/Barbury in the ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE occurs in 556 - that is before the entry for the death of Ida.

Now, let us imagine that Nennius (or whoever compiled the HISTORIA BRITTONUM) had inserted his Arthurian material between the rise of Hengist's successor and end of Ida's reign.  If so, then both Arthur, whose name was surely related by the Welsh to their own word arth, 'bear', and a Bear's fort battle would be found bracketed by the same annalistic events. In fact, one could go so far as to say that the writer of the HB knew the bear at Barbury was none other than Arthur!  Or, at the very least, he chose to identify a war-leader named Arthur with this particular bear.

Bearing all this in mind (pun strictly intended!), let us take a close look at the historical sequence in the ASC.  Once we have analyzed that, I wish to go over the dating of the Battle of Badon as it is derived from the testimony of Gildas and the Welsh Annals.

Let us look at the early battles in Wiltshire as these are found recorded in THE ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE.  We begin with the defeat of the British by Cynric at Old Sarum in 552. Four years later a battle is fought at Barbury Castle further north.  However, this battle is, significantly, not said to be a victory.  We are merely told there was a battle there.  In 560, Ceawlin succeeds Cynric (see my earlier work for the reversal of the genealogical links for the Gewissei in the ASC).  After Barbury Castle there are no more battles against the Britons until 571 - 15 years later. And the theater of action has changed: the Gewissei are now coming up the Thames Valley.  In 577, the war theater changes again - this time to the west and north of Wiltshire (including the capturing of Bath).  In 584, there is a battle in Oxfordshire, well to the NE of Wiltshire. We do not return to Wiltshire until 592, when a great slaughter occurs at Adam's Grave near Alton Priors resulting in the expulsion of Ceawlin.  In the next year, Ceawlin perishes. 

From the Battle of Beranburh to that of Adam's Grave, 36 years had passed.  Adam's Grave is roughly 15 kilometers south of Barbury Castle.

The question I would put forth is simply this:  who was in Wiltshire for all this time keeping the Gewissei and the English out?  And is it a coincidence that only several kilometers NE of Barbury Castle along the ancient Ridge Wayt is the Liddington Badbury fort?

I have argued before that the Gewissei battles could be nothing more than an antiquarian attempt to define the boundaries of the nascent kingdom of Wessex.  But if that is so, why are there defeats suffered in Wiltshire?  

As I've remarked before, I do not have a problem with one of the Badbury forts being Badon - as long as we recognize that philologically Badon = Bath.  In other words, we would have to accept the possibility that Badon (British form of English Bathum) was wrongly substituted for a Baddan-.  This is a problem only for modern philologists and need not be applied to early medieval chroniclers.

As for the name of Barbury, it is indisputably English.  The Gewissei who fought there were Irish or Hiberno-British (something I proven by tracing Ceawlin to Cunedda/Coline, with Cynric being Cunorix).  The enemy of the Gewissei at this fort were Britons.  So we can be certain that the name of the place is an anachronism.  The English only later came to refer to the fort as belonging to 'The Bear'.  We have no idea what it's original British name might have been.  A personal English name Bera is not recorded in English, according to Ekwall (see his entry for Barham, Kent, in THE CONCISE OXFORD DICTIONARY OF ENGLISH PLACE-NAMES).  

Going on the account of battles in the ASC, there appears to have been some kind of very strong British resistance centered in Wiltshire, an area where we not only find a Bear's fort, and a Badbury, but a place called Durocornovium (near Nythe Farm,Wanborough).  Some attempt has been made to prove that this is a "ghost site", and that the name as we have it is a corruption of the Roman name for Cirencester, i.e. Corinium (Dobunnorum).  I do not find this last argument at all convincing.  In the words of Rivet and Smith (THE PLACE-NAMES OF ROMAN BRITAIN), "the nearest major Iron Age settlement [to Durocornovium] is at Liddington Castle, 3 and a half miles to the south."   R&S render the name 'fort of the Cornovii people.' 

However, the name may refer to a topographical feature.  My guess would be the situation of Upper Wanborough, which lies between Nythe Farm and Liddington Castle. From http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/wilts/vol9/pp174-186:

"Geographically the parish is divided roughly in half, the southern section lying on the chalk downs. The shape of the parish conforms to a pattern found along the scarp slope of the Chalk both westwards into Wiltshire and eastwards into Berkshire, each parish having chalk uplands as well as greensands and clays for meadow and pasture. (fn. 7) Upper Wanborough, around the church, is on an Upper Greensand spur commanding a view north over Lower Wanborough and south over Liddington. The northern half of the parish towards the shallow valley of the River Cole is successively Gault, Lower Greensand, and Kimmeridge Clay. (fn. 8) The chalk scarp rises behind the village, reaching 800 ft. at Foxhill on the parish boundary. Most of the Chalk lies between 600 ft. and 700 ft. Two coombs pierce the eastern boundary between the Ridge Way and the Icknield Way, the larger containing two chalk pits. Below the scarp the land falls gently away to the river, to below 300 ft., and is drained by the Cole, its tributary stream the Lidd [for which Liddington was named], and several smaller streams, providing abundant meadow land and marsh. There is little wood in the parish, although there is evidence of illegal felling during the 16th century. (fn. 9) Stone was quarried at Berrycombe in the 16th century (fn. 10) and marl was taken from Inlands at least from the end of the 13th century. (fn. 11)"

A spur of land or a section jutting out between two coombs could be construed as a "horn of land" and so Cornovium may have been used here in the same sense as it was for Cornwall (Cernyw).  

The interesting thing about the place-name is that Arthur in Welsh tradition - to emphasize this point yet again! - is pretty much always associated with Cornwall.

For the sake of argument, then, let us assume for a moment that Arthur belonged at the Bear's Fort/Barbury Castle, and that he stemmed the tide of English and Gewissei invasion for over three decades.  If this is so, how do we deal with the serious, and indeed, fatal problem of chronology?

The consensus is that Gildas was born c. 500 A.D. (although P.C. Bartram says c. 490).  The date of Badon, which he claims happened on the day of his birth, is thought to be c. 500 +/- 10-20 years.  There really is no way to more firmly calculate the date.  Even the Badon date of the Welsh Annals  has been disputed, primarily on the basis of a difference in the interpretation of calculated Easter Tables and the like.  Generally, a date spread of 510-20 is preferred.

Needless to say, this date range cannot be reconciled with a Liddington Castle/Badbury/"Badon" battle that may have been fought sometime shortly after that of Barbury in 556.  Unless, of course, we can make a case for the Gildas passage having been garbled/mangled or even deliberately tampered with. There is the tendency to rely on Gildas's account, since he was a contemporary.  But Gildas's work is not without its very significant shortcomings.  One of these is the inclusion of Ambrosius Aurelianus as a British war-leader.  I have been able to show that this tradition is in error: A.A. is a reflection of the Gaulish governor of that name, perhaps conflated with his son, St. Ambrose.  Neither were ever in Britain fighting the Saxons (although read: https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2020/05/why-ambrosius-aurelianus-was-put-in.html). 

Let us suppose this happened: the original passage stated that the Battle of Badon had happened on Gildas's 44th birthday - not on the day he was born 44 years and one month ago.  If Gildas were born in 510-20, 44 years would put the Battle of Badon somewhere between the years 554 and 564.  Remember that the Barbury battle took place in 556.

Had this error occurred early enough in MSS. of Gildas, the word of the saint would have been considered incontrovertible and sources such as the Welsh Annals would automatically merely reckon from his date of birth rather than from his 44th birthday.  And hence the date of the Battle of Badon was temporally dislocated, making it impossible to pinpoint it geographically or determine its military context. [Although see below under the detailed discussion regarding the Battle of Badon, and the associated Endnote, for an alternate possibility - one involving the confusion of three different similarly spelled place-names and the odd reversal of the generations for the Gewissei in the Welsh and English sources.] 

We would still have to figure out what to do with Arthur's battles.  Probably they are to be identified much as I did in THE BEAR KING - with one big difference.   Arthur and Cerdic with his Gewissei would be adversaries at those battle-sites, and we would be confronted with the problem of both sides proclaiming victory during the various engagements. 

UTHER PENDRAGON AND AN ARTHUR OF BARBURY CASTLE

In past blogs, I demonstrated convincingly that Uther, the only personage ever said to be the famous Arthur's father, was none other than St. Illtud (b. c. 470 according to P.C. Bartram).  I decided against Illtud as the actual father of Arthur for several reasons, but chiefly because I opted for a candidate for Arthur who didn't fit into the Dobunni (or Hwicce) model.

But I've recently had good reason to doubt my earlier conclusion.  A recent blog piece written on this subject nicely sets out the difficulty I face when seeking to forsake Illtud for someone else:

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2024/10/illtud-knight-rides-again.html

The principal problem concerns the perfect correspondence between the Bicknor-Lydbrook origin for Illtud when compared to Bican Dyke-Lydbrook. I have tried my best to ignore this, and to sweep it under the intellectual rug.  But it continues to nag at me and I feel that I ignore it at my own peril.  

If we accept Illtud as Arthur's father, and an Arthur centered at Durocornovium, which fulfulls the traditional Cornish view of Arthur, we must yet again delve into the Arthur battles in a Southern theater.

ENDNOTE: The Problem of the Date for Badon

In the midst of the Cerdic of Wessex battles, there is an action featuring a man called Bieda (with variants Baeda, Beda).  The battle featuring Bieda occurs c. 501, a time that is nearly perfect for the Badon which supposedly happened at the time of Gildas's birth and which the AC has down for c. 516. 

Alheydis Plassmann of Bonn (https://www.fnzrlg.uni-bonn.de/mitarbeiter/wissenschaftliche-mitarbeiterinnen/pd-dr.-alheydis-plassmann) summarizes the dating of Gildas's ON THE RUIN OF BRITAIN and the most likely date for Badon according to that source (see CELTIC CULTURE: A HISTORICAL ENCYCLOPEDIA).  The prevailing view (much disputed, of course, in various circles!) is that Gildas finished writing his work in 547 at the latest.  Taking his 44 years, then, back from that date to the time of Badon, we arrive at 503. This is as close as one can get to the 501 date for the ASC battle featuring Bieda. 

According to Dr. Richard Coates, perhaps the preeminent English place-name expert, the best guess as to the origin of the name Bieda is

"Redin (p. 60) linked it with OE be:odan ‘to command’, though the structure isn’t fully clear. I’ve seen no better or worse suggestion since." [personal communication]

Granted, the Badda/Baddan- element of the Badbury names appears to have a different origin than the Bieda name.  However, my work on the Badbury place-names suggest a similar or identical origin (see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2019/12/cadburys-and-personal-name-badda.html).

I've made a very good case for Bieda's name being preserved in Bedenham, Hampshire. 

Thus we have a number of correspondences which suggest why Arthur may have been placed at Badon at an early date.  They may be listed as follows: 

1) Cerdic of the Gewissei fights battles to either side of one featuring Bieda of Bedenham.  This battle's date fits the date of the "Badon" mentioned by Gildas.

2) Ceawlin of the Gewissei fights at Baddanbyrig/Badbury/Liddington Castle shortly after the Barbury or 'Bear's fort' battle of 556.  This is a major loss to the Gewissei and their Saxon allies, leading to their total absence in Wiltshire for over 3 decades.  

3) Ceawlin captures Bath in 577.  Badon can be construed from a purely linguistic standpoint as deriving from English bathum.

ARTHUR'S 'SOUTHERN BATTLES' IN LIGHT OF MY RECENT IDENTIFICATION OF BADON WITH LIDDINGTON CASTLE

Barbury Castle, Wiltshire

EXCERPTED FROM MY BOOK 'THE BEAR KING'...

Years ago I played around with trying to equate the battles of Arthur with those of Cerdic of Wessex and the Gewissei.  Alas, my knowledge of place-name development and of the languages involved was insufficient to the task.  Having once again brought up the very real possibility that Arthur could have been the "foil" of the Gewissei, it occurred to me that I should take a second look at the battles listed in the Historia Brittonum and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.

First, those of Arthur:

Mouth of the river Glein
4 battles on the Dubglas River in the Linnuis region
River Bassas
Celyddon Wood
Castle Guinnion
City of the Legion
Tribruit river-bank
Mt. Agned/Mt. Breguoin (and other variants)
Mt. Badon c. 516
Camlann c. 537

And, secondly, those of Cerdic (interposed bat-tles by other Saxon chieftains are in brackets):

495 - Certicesora (Cerdic and Cynric arrive in Britain)
[Bieda of Bedenham, Maegla, Port of Portsmouth]
Certicesford - Natanleod or Nazanleog killed
[Stuf, Wihtgar - Certicesora]
Cerdicesford - Cerdic and Cynric take the kingdom of the West Saxons
Cerdicesford or Cerdicesleag
Wihtgarasburh
537 - Cerdic dies, Cynric takes the kingship, Isle of Wight given to Stuf (of Stubbington near Port and opposite Wight) and Wihtgar

As Celtic linguist Kenneth Hurlstone Jackson pointed out long ago, 'Glein' means 'pure, clean.'  It is Welsh glân.  However, there is also a Welsh glan, river-bank, brink, edge; shore; slope, bank.  This word would nicely match in meaning the -ora of Certicesora, which is from AS. óra, a bor-der, edge, margin, bank.  If we allow for Glein/glân being an error or substitution for glan, then the mouth of the Glein and Certiceso-ra may be one and the same place.

Ceredicesora or "Cerdic's shore" has been thought to be the Ower near Calshot.  This is a very good possibility for a landing place.  Howev-er, the Ower further north by Southampton must be considered a leading contender, as it is quite close to some of the other battles.

Natanleod or Nazanleog is Netley Marsh in Hampshire.  The parish is bounded by Bartley Water to the south and the River Blackwater to the north.  Dubglas is, of course, 'Black-stream/rivulet.'  Kenneth Jackson in his ‘Once Again Arthur’s Battles’ (Modern Philology, Vol. 43, No. 1, Aug., 1945, pp. 44-57) says of the Dubglas:

"Br. *duboglasso-, 'blue-black' which seems confused in place-names with Br. *duboglassio-, OW. *dubgleis, later OW. Dugleis, 'black stream'..."

Linnuis contains the British root for lake or pool, preserved in modern Welsh llyn.  Netley is believed now to mean 'wet wood or clearing', and this meaning combined with the 'marsh' that was present probably accounts for the Linnuis region descriptor of the Historia Brittonum. 

W. bas, believed to underlie the supposed river-name Bassas, meant a shallow, fordable place in a river.  We can associate this easily with Certi-cesford/Cerdicesford, modern Charford on the Avon. Just a little south of North and South Charford is a stretch of the river called “The Shallows” at Shallow Farm. These are also called the Breamore Shallows and can be as little as a foot deep. An Anglo-Saxon cemetery was recently uncovered at Shallow Farm:

“A Byzantine pail, datable to the sixth century AD, was discovered in 1999, in a field near the River Avon in Breamore, Hampshire. Subsequent fieldwork confirmed the presence there of an ear-ly Anglo-Saxon cemetery. In 2001, limited exca-vation located graves that were unusual, both for their accompanying goods and for the number of double and triple burials. This evidence suggests that Breamore was the location of a well-supplied ‘frontier’ community which may have had a relatively brief existence during the sixth century. It seems likely to have had strong con-nections with the Isle of Wight and Kent to the south and south-east, rather than with commu-nities up-river to the north and north-east.” [An Early Anglo-Saxon Cemetery and Archaeological Survey at Breamore, Hampshire, 1999–2006, The Archaeological Journal Volume 174, 2017 - Issue 1, David A. Hinton and Sally Worrell]

Cerdicesleag contains -leag, a word which originally designated a wood or a woodland, and only later came to mean a place that had been cleared of trees and converted into a clearing or meadow. I once thought the Celidon Wood could have been substituted for this site, but that really made no sense.  Hardley, Hampshire, being the 'hard' wood (Watts, etc.), looked promising, if we could assume the Welsh knew Celidon (from Calidon-) derived from a British root similar to Welsh caled, 'hard.'  But we couldn't assume that.  

Instead, Celidon, being a great forest in Pictland, is a mistaken reference to Netley.  While the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’s insistence on this being named for a British king Natan is untrue (Natan here being wrongly converted into a personal name; it is actually from a root meaning “wet”; see Watts, Mills, Ekwall, etc.), given that the Welsh knew of the famous Pictish Nechtans, in Welsh Neithon or similar (cf. Bede’s Naiton, Naitan), it is probable that the name was identified with a Pictish king and the wood thus relocated to the far North. 

Castle Guinnion is composed of the Welsh word for 'white', plus a typical locative suffix (cf. Latin -ium).  Wihtgar as a personage is an eponym for the Isle of Wight.  Wihtgarasburh is, then, the Fort of Wihtgar.  But it is quite possible Wiht- was mistaken for OE hwit, 'white', and so Castellum Guinnion would merely be a clumsy attempt at substituting the Welsh for the English.  /-gar/-garas/ may well have been linked to Welsh caer, 'fort, fortified city', although the presence of -burh, 'fort, fortified town' in the name may have been enough to generate Castellum.  Wihtgara is properly Wihtwara, 'people of Wight', the name of the tribal hidage.  Wihtgarasburh is traditionally situated at Carisbrooke.

Arthur's City of the Legion battle may well be an attempt at the ASC's Limbury of 571, whose ear-ly forms are Lygean-, Liggean- and the like.  The Waulud’s Bank earthwork is at Limbury.  Incidentally, Ceawlin’s Wibbandun of 568 is most likely a hill (dun) in the vicinity of Whipsnade, ‘Wibba’s ‘piece of land/clearing, piece of wood-land’ (see Ekwall).  Whipsnade is under 10 kilometers southwest of Limbury and is on the ancient Icknield Way next to Dunstable Downs.

According to Kenneth Jackson (_Once Again A thur's Battles_, MODERN PHILOLOGY, August,
1945), Tribruit, W. tryfrwyd, was used as an adjective, meaning "pierced through", and sometimes as a noun meaning "battle". His rendering of traeth tryfrwyd was "the Strand of the Pierced or Broken (Place)". Basing his statement on the Welsh Traeth Tryfrwyd, Jackson said that "we should not look for a river called Tryfwyd but for a beach." However, Jackson later admitted (in The Arthur of History, ARTHURIAN LITERATURE IN THE MIDDLE AGES: A COLLABORATIVE HISTORY, ed. by Roger Sher-man Loomis) that "the name (Traith) Tribruit may mean rather 'The Many-Coloured Strand' (cf. I. Williams in BBCS, xi [1943], 95).

Most recently Patrick Sims-Williams (in The Ar-thur of the Welsh, THE EARLY WELSH ARTHURIAN POEMS, 1991) has defined traeth tryfrwyd as the "very speckled shore" (try- here being the intensive prefix *tri-, cognate with L.  trans). Professor Sims-Williams mentions that 'trywruid' could also mean "bespattered [with blood]." I would only add that Latin litus does usually mean "seashore, beach, coast", but that it can also mean "river bank". Latin ripa, more often used of a river bank, can also have the meaning of "shore".

The complete listing of tryfrwyd from The Dic-tionary of Wales (information courtesy Andrew Hawke) is as follows:

tryfrwyd
2 [?_try-^2^+brwyd^2^_; dichon fod yma fwy
nag un gair [= "poss. more than one word here"]]
3 _a_. a hefyd fel _e?b_.
6 skilful, fine, adorned; ?bloodstained; battle,
conflict.
7 12g. GCBM i. 328, G\\6aew yg coryf, yn toryf,
yn _tryfrwyd_ - wryaf.
7 id. ii. 121, _Tryfrwyd_ wa\\6d y'm pria\\6d
prydir, / Trefred ua\\6r, treul ga\\6r y gelwir.
7 id. 122, Keinuyged am drefred _dryfrwyd_.
7 13g. A 19. 8, ymplymnwyt yn _tryvrwyt_
peleidyr....
7 Digwydd hefyd fel e. afon [="also occurs as
river name"] (cf.
8 Hist Brit c. 56, in litore fluminis, quod vocatur
_Tribruit_; 14 x CBT
8 C 95. 9-10, Ar traethev _trywruid_).
Tryfrwyd itself, minus the intensive prefix,
comes from:
brwyd
[H. Grn. _bruit_, gl. _varius_, gl. Gwydd. _bre@'t_
`darn']
3 _a_.
6 variegated, pied, chequered, decorated, fine;
bloodstained; broken, shattered, frail, fragile.
7 c. 1240 RWM i. 360, lladaud duyw arnam ny
am dwyn lleydwyt - _urwyt_ / llauurwyt escwyt
ar eescwyd.
7 c. 1400 R 1387. 15-16, Gnawt vot ystwyt
_vrwyt_ vriwdoll arnaw.
7 id. 1394. 5-6, rwyt _vrwyt_ vrwydyrglwyf rwyf
rwyd get.
7 15g. H 54a. 12.
The editors of GCBM (Gwaith Cynddelw
Brydydd) take _tryfrwyd_ to be a fem. noun =
'brwydr'. They refer to Ifor Williams, Canu Anei-rin
294, and A.O.H. Jarman, Aneinin: Y
Gododdin (in English) p. 194 who translates
'clash', also Jarman, Ymddiddan Myrddin a Tha-liesin,
pp. 36-7. Ifor Williams, Bulletin of the
Board of Celtic Studies xi (1941-4) pp. 94-6 sug-gests
_try+brwyd_ `variegated, decorated'.
On brwydr, the National Dictionary of Wales has
this:
1 brwydr^1^
2 [dichon ei fod o'r un tarddiad a@^
_brwyd^1^_, ond cf. H. Wydd. _bri@'athar_ `gair']
3 _eb_. ll. -_au_.
6 pitched battle, conflict, attack, campaign,
struggle; bother, dispute, controversy; host, ar-my.
7 13g. HGC 116, y lle a elwir . . . y tir gwaetlyt,
o achaus y _vrwyder_ a vu ena.
7 14g. T 39. 24.
7 14g. WML 126, yn dyd kat a _brwydyr_.
7 14g. WM 166. 32, _brwydreu_ ac ymladeu.
7 14g. YCM 33, llunyaethu _brwydyr_ a oruc
Chyarlymaen, yn eu herbyn.
7 15g. IGE 272, Yr ail gofal, dial dwys, /
_Brwydr_ Addaf o Baradwys.
7 id. 295.
7 1567 LlGG (Sall) 14a, a' chyd codei _brwydyr_
im erbyn, yn hyn yr ymddiriedaf.
7 1621 E. Prys: Ps 32a, Yno drylliodd y bwa a'r
saeth, / a'r _frwydr_ a wnaeth yn ddarnau.
7 1716 T. Evans: DPO 35, Cans _brwydr_ y
Rhufeiniaid a aethai i Si@^r Fo@^n.
7 1740 id. 336, _Brwydrau_ lawer o Filwyr arfog.

Dr. G. R. Isaac of The University of Wales, Abe ystywyth, in discussing brwyd, adds that:

"The correct Latin comparison is frio 'break up', both < Indo-European *bhreiH- 'cut, graze'. These words have many cognates, e.g. Latin fruolus 'friable, worthless', Sanskrit bhrinanti 'they damage', Old Church Slavonic britva 'razor', and others. The Old British form of brwyd would have been *breitos. It is sometimes claimed that there is a possible Gaulish root cognate in brisare 'press out', but there are difficulties with that identification.

It may be worth stressing that the 'tryfrwyd' which means 'very speckled' and the 'tryfrwyd' which means 'piercing, pierced' are the same word, and that the latter is the historically primary meaning. The meaning 'very speckled' comes through 'bloodstained' from 'pierced' ('bloodstained' because 'pierced' in battle). But I do not think this has any bearing on the arguments.

Actually, Tryfrwyd MAY mean 'very speckled', but that is conjecture, not certain knowledge. Plausible conjecture, yes, but no more certain for that."

That "pierced" or "broken" is to be preferred as the meaning of Tribruit is plainly demonstrated by lines 21-22 of the _Pa Gur_ poem:

Neus tuc manauid - "Manawyd(an) brought
Eis tull o trywruid - pierced ribs (or, metaphori-cally, "timbers", and hence arms of any kind,
probably spears or shields; ) from Tryfrwyd"

Tull, "pierced", here obviously refers to Tribruit as "through-pierced".

Tribruit is a Welsh substitute for the Latin word trajectus.  Rivet and Smith (The Place-Names of Roman Britain, p. 178) discuss the term, saying that in some cases "it seems to indicate a ferry or ford..." The Welsh rendered 'litore' of the Tribruit description in Nennius as 'traeth', demanding a river estuary emptying into the sea. However, in Latin litore could also mean simply a river-bank.

In the context of the Arthurian battles, the Roman period Trajectus belongs at Bitton or environs, only a short distance from Bath. 

FOR BADON, SEE


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