THROWING A BEAR-WRENCH IN THE WORKS: A NEW PROBLEM WITH THE NAME ARTHUR

I've been having discussions with Professor Roger Tomlin and Dr. Benet Salway about the conventional view that the British name Arthur must derive from Roman/Latin Artorius.  Something has come out of this exercise that I was not expecting, and it is more than a little disturbing.

To begin with Tomlin on the subject:

Artorius is a nomen, not a cognomen, and 'single names' are generally cognomina. They are used within (Roman) families to distinguish a particular member, and if a non-Roman becomes a Roman citizen, he makes his existing name into a cognomen combined with his new nomen, which may be taken from the patron who gained him citizenship, his former owner if a manumitted slave, but very often the Emperor himself – auxiliary veterans, for example. Thus a Celt whose name is Artos ('bear') might take the Roman name of Marcus Ulpius Artos, or even Marcus Ulpius Artus, by adopting the Roman termination –us for the non-Roman –os. 

I could find a hundred instances of Artorius as a Roman nomen, but none of it as a cognomen. Mócsy's Nomenclator claims there are a couple of instances, but he is not altogether reliable, and I don't have the references. Certainly it is of nomen form in –ius, and true, nomina such as Iulius were sometimes used as a cognomen by Roman citizens.

This is the practice until the third century. Benet will tell you about the system breaking down and changing after AD 212, with people using multiple cognomina instead like 'Ammianus Marcellinus', so that 'Quintus Aurelius Symmachus' in the fourth century sounds old-fashioned (if aristocratic). But someone who gained citizenship by favour of Artorius Castus would take Artorius as a nomen, not a cognomen. If he wanted to imply a relationship, he might adapt the nomen as Artorianus. True, there are 'Decknamen', which are Roman cognomina which 'conceal' Celtic names. A good example is Verecundus, which an ancestor of the prefect Iulius Verecundus probably adopted to make himself sound like a good Roman. 

The reverse process, of a Celt taking a single Roman nomen would be hard to parallel. This is what the 'Arthur' people assume, but I don't know that it happened.

Benet may be helpful, and I attach a copy.

The 'copy' Tomlin alludes to is Benet's "What's in a Name? A Survey of Roman Onomastic Practice from c. 700 B.C. to A.D. 700", The Journal of Roman Studies , 1994, Vol. 84 (1994), pp. 124-145,

https://www.jstor.org/stable/300873.  I read the paper and then contacted Dr. Benet with my questions.

His response:

Obviously it is *possible* for any Roman nomen to turn up as cognomen in late antiquity, whether in Britain or elsewhere, but generally the nomina that make this leap are the most common imperial nomina, such as Iulius, Claudius, Flavius, and Aurelius. Given that Artorius is not in this category, this makes it highly *improbable*.

The next bit is going to contain a lot of hypotheticals.

*If* there ever existed a single individual in post Roman Britain who went by a name later recorded as Arthur or similar and *if* this reflects some kind of Latin original, it would seem much more likely to be Arcturus, the name from Greek cosmology/mythology designating the brightest star in the northern celestial hemisphere (the ‘bear-guardian’). To my knowledge this is not found as an anthroponym (i.e. as a personal given name for mortals) but is just the sort of thing that might be applied as a nickname or adopted as a ‘nom de guerre’. And in a British context, the fact that the etymology of the first element would be transparent to Celtic speakers, might be an added advantage. But this only really works *if* there was an awareness of the star name. Of this, I think we can be sure because of the popularity of Aratus’ poem Phaenomena, which was translated at least 4 times into Latin, two of which survive and one of which, the late antique one by Avienus, had a very wide diffusion to judge from the manuscript tradition.

Also theoretically *possible* but unattested, is Arcturius (i.e. ‘having the quality of Arcturus) as a given name.

It is possible that ‘Artorius’ might be used as a Deckname, but not probable since it is never attested used as a cognomen.

Now, it is important for me to say before going further that Arcturus has been proposed before for the name Arthur.  The most extensive discussion of this possibility that I've had access to is found on pp. 187-194 of Thomas Green's CONCEPTS OF ARTHUR, 2007.  The author actually prefers the Arcturus etymology to Artorius (although he was not privy to my newly proposed reading for the L. Artorius Castus stone, which makes for a potential Arthur with a greatly increased measure of fame in Britain).

However, Green does not mention the difficulty of using a uncommon nomen like Artorius as a cognomen - something that weighs more heavily in favor of Arcturus as the origin of the name Arthur.

If Arthur is L. Artorius Castus, for example, why was he not called by his cognomen Castus?

I should also add that it doesn't make sense for us to entertain the notion that a British (or Irish) name meaning something like bear-guard was replaced by Arcturius, as the latter is not a real Roman name.  We have plenty of examples of bear-names in the Irish and Welsh sources and no evidence at all that any were replaced with Roman bear names or Roman names that resembled Celtic words for a bear.  

If we are stuck with a nickname Arcturus, who was it applied to?

Well, I've been working for many years on various Arthurian candidates.  The only one who has notable ursine associations is Ceredig son of Cunedda, AKA Cerdic of Wessex.  Ceredig's kingdom has in its midst an Afon Arth of Bear River, and there was a headland fort at the mouth of the Arth.  Three of his immediate descendents have *Arto- names.  Arthur, through his father Uther (who, if = Pen Kawell of the MARWNAT VTHYR PEN can be identified with Ceawlin-Cunedda, father of Ceredig), is linked to Caer Dathal/Dinas Emrys of the mythological Math, a personal name almost certainly borrowed from the Irish word for bear.  

Cerdic of Wessex and Arthur are exact contemporaries, according to the HB and the ASC, and I once had an entire book published arguing for Cerdic/Ceredig as Arthur.  

I will give this name problem considerable thought and follow up on the subject at a later date should such work be warranted.  

 

THE DISCOVERY OF BRUNANBURH

The site of the famous Battle of Brunanburh has continued to elude scholars. [1]  I would like to throw my hat in the ring with a new identification.  [At least, I think it's new; I may not have found all there is out there that is recent on the subject!]

The best place to start is the excellent treatment of the place in this source:

https://www.nottingham.ac.uk/-sczsteve/09essay-cavill.pdf

There we learn that other than the variants for the name Brunanburh itself, we also find the Old Norse

Vinheidr (heidr = heath, i.e. place of heather) from EGIL'S SAGA, a Weondune or Wendune from Symeon of Durham and a Othlynn or Othlyn from the Annals of Clonmacnoise.

It did not take much of a map search for me to find Winton in North Yorkshire on the edge of North York Moors, i.e. heathland.  

This town is on the edge of the North York Moors and is known for its scenic heather landscapes. Thus I would guess that Vinheidr is for Winton.  

The Winton Beck joins the Brompton Beck under a kilometer from Brompton.  Brompton is found early as Bruntun, etc. 

A Roman road runs through Brompton and Winton.

While dun is the English word for hill, it could easily be confused with tun.

The puzzler is the Annals of Clonmacnoise's Plains of Othlynn or Othlyn. But, fortunately, I found this site:

https://senchus.wordpress.com/2011/02/26/brunanburh-links/

After looking up in Rivet and Smith's THE PLACE-NAME OF ROMAN BRITAIN, I was able to confirm the otalini spelling for the Votadini.  However, we are not talking about the ancient kingdom of the Votadini, which stretched from Edinburgh in the North to the eastern portion of Hadrian's Wall.  Instead, this is an oblique reference to the Gododdin at Catterick.  Brompton on Swale (Brunton) is on the opposite side of the River Swale from the Roman fort of Catterick.

Is this a problem?  I don't think so. 

The following is from Brittonic place-name expert Alan James (personal correspondence):

I'm not sure if you're aware of the lost Winton in Catterick parish? Specifically, somewhere near Colburn: Wintuneoves, Wintun houes, Wyntonhowes, all from 12th - early 13th ct, imply such a place, with 'howes' named from it - which may have been Norse haugar, burial mounds.

Smith, A. Hugh, (1928) The Place-Names of the North Riding of Yorkshire  English Place-Name Survey Vol. V, Cambridge.

The place-name survives as Wintylow, now a farm (and for local government in Richmond district). It's mentioned in passing in this piece; that there are pits, possibly old coal-pits, in the vicinity is interesting, it seems to be a place with lots of humps and bumps! 

https://yorkshiredaleshistory.wordpress.com/2020/08/29/colburn-north-yorkshire-in-the-16th-and-17th-centuries/

The Howes of Winton

If we, then, accept all three names - Brunanburh, Wendune and Othlyn - we have a firm fix on the battle site.  It would be at the Roman fort that lies between Brompton and Winton Howes.

This is my choice for Brunanburh.  And it is quite a choice, as it would mean that the scene of a famous Dark Age battle between the British and the English was also the scene of a later, equally as famous battle.  

[1]

From Alan James on the current thrust of research into this subject:

Finally, unfortunately, neither of us is likely to be able to access this new article by Clare Downham, but she's certainly an authority on the historical context, and generally very persuasive:

'There has been significant local publicity in the North-West relating to the search for the site of the Battle of Brunanburh. The purpose of this article is not to review recent metal detector findings, but to explore why the Wirral would have made strategic sense as the location for the conflict. To contextualise the discussion, brief consideration is given to the historical events surrounding the battle, the development of narratives about the conflict (including the claim that it took place near the River Humber), and the place-name evidence. It should be noted that many different locations have been put forward for the battle site, and no doubt arguments for alternative locations will continue. However, consideration of geographical factors as well as linguistic and historical evidence make a strong case that this conflict took place in the Wirral and in the vicinity of present-day Bromborough.'

https://www.liverpooluniversitypress.co.uk/doi/10.3828/transactions.170.5?fbclid=IwY2xjawKmkRJleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBicmlkETFvTEZBeHVjWjRhNlgycm5qAR5ps5GFN7_s-Pb84yysf9LTsyGHcdssK6Ws5pH6F4ekG9fmdCY9-AhHmZ8YXw_aem_zQye4LJC7wkx4yI0c0XBKg

Wirral Archaeology also thinks Brunanburh should be Bromborough.  They have launched a good Website which covers their work on the site:

hhttps://www.wirralarchaeology.org/pages/wirral-archaeology-and-the-search-for-the-battle-of-brunanburh/

However, Bromborough does not explain either the Wendune of Simeon of Durham, nor the Othlyn Plains of the Clonmacnoise Annals.  

NO BADON OR CAMLAN FOR A DARK AGE ARTHUR: MY VIEW ON THE ACTIVITIES OF L. ARTORIUS CASTUS UNDER SEVERUS

RIB 1978. Altar dedicated to the Discipline of the Emperor(s)

Primary: a.d. 209-11 Severus, Caracalla, Geta; secondary: a.d. 212-17 Caracalla.

Castlesteads/Camboglanna

For years now, I've been valiantly trying to pinpoint the Camlan of a genuine sub-Roman Arthur.  During that period of time I've fluctuated wildly from one site to the other.  Pretty much always I eventually settled on either the Afon Gamlan in NW Wales (which fits the Welsh medieval tradition) or the Camboglanna Roman fort on Hadrian's Wall.

Well, given what Birley and some others have to say on the possible rebellion of the Brigantes and other tribes close to Hadrian's Wall in the time of Severus, I can no longer deny that the most likely significance of Camlan is, indeed, as a reference to the action of L. Artorius Castus.  This prefect of the Sixth, appointed doubtless as a result of the Albinus purge, might well have engaged in a battle at Castlesteads on the Wall.  While he didn't die there, of course, a Moderatus may have.  This Moderatus became Medraut in the Welsh tradition.

Arthur's death at Camlan would be partly fabricated anachronism made necessary when his name became attached to the battle of Badon (c. 516).  The real Arthur died in Dalmatia, modern Croatia, in the early part of the 3rd century A.D.

I can find no good reason to change my mind about this, unfortunately. 

From Anthony R. Birley's SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS: THE AFRICAN EMPEROR on the possible rebellion of the Brigantes under Severus:

First, urgent measures were taken in the north-west. Marius Maximus was

made governor of Belgica and Valerius Pudens of Lower Germany, replacing

Virius Lupus, who became governor of Britain. The defeated British legions

were sent back, no doubt heavily reinforced with new manpower, necessary

to restore losses—and their loyalty. Lupus faced an appalling situation. In the

absence of the Roman garrison, the northern part of the province had been

plundered by the Maeatae, probably joined by other tribes closer to Hadrian’s

Wall and some of the Brigantes within the province.

Dio reports how Lupus had to buy off the

Maeatae with ‘large sums of money’, receiving ‘a few prisoners back’ in

return. Clearly, in the absence of most of the British garrison in 196–7,

Rome’s northern enemies had invaded the province, and the Brigantes of

the Pennines had perhaps risen in rebellion. The Maeatae, whose home

was north of the Antonine Wall, were on the point of being joined by the

Caledonians, from the Highlands beyond, when Lupus arrived.

L. Artorius Castus at Avalon? Quite possibly.

 

Roman Fort of Aballava at Burgh-By-Sands

Not long ago I briefly discussed the possibility that L. Artorius Castus may well have visited, fought at or been involved in the rebuilding of some Hadrian Wall forts, including Camboglanna:

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2025/02/camboglanna-roman-fort-and-l-artorius.html

I've only just finished reading yet another book on Severus, this one by Birley.  In this volume, the author comments on the likelihood that Severus had actually stayed at Burgh-By-Sands, i.e. Aballava Roman fort.  This fort name is found in variants Avalava, Avalana, etc., and I have long held thatthis place with its Dea Latis or Lake Goddess may be the historical prototype of the Arthurian Apple Otherworld.

If Severus was at "Avalon", might Artorius have been there at some point, in some capacity, as well?

From Anthony Birley's SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS: THE AFRICAN EMPEROR, Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2002:

Considering how superstitious Septimius was, his belief that his days

were now numbered was presumably strengthened by a series of omens. In

the version now preserved, Dio only has one of these, which occurred

shortly before the departure from Rome in 208. Lightning struck an

inscription on the gate through which Septimius planned to march out of

the city, erasing the first three letters of his name. The remaining three

formed the Greek word (h) ero. This was interpreted to mean that after

three years he would die, and be deified. The HA, in its perverse fashion,

after neglecting to give any details about the campaigning, records four

omens that may be assigned to the end of the year 209, if they are not the

product of the author’s own imagination. The first purports to be a dream

that Septimius had about his own deification. The second apparently took

place at games in honour of the victory in the north. They will have taken

place at the main base, perhaps Carpow. Three plaster figures of the

goddess Victory were set up, one each for Septimius and his sons. The

central one, bearing a globe inscribed with his name, was struck by a gust of

wind, and fell down from the podium. The one honouring Geta was blown

over and totally shattered, while Antoninus’ Victory lost its palm and barely

remained upright.

The third and fourth omens, which seem part of the same story, belong

to Septimius’ journey southward to winter-quarters. The beginning of this

passage is difficult to translate and is perhaps corrupt. It has been variously

emended, but can be understood perfectly well as it stands, in the light of

evidence from Britain.

After giving a Moor his discharge from the army, on the Wall (apud

vallum) [this would be something quite normal at the end of a

campaign] when he returned to the nearest mansio [halting-place],

not merely as victor but having established eternal peace, and

turning over in his mind what sort of man should meet him [or ‘what

omen he should meet with’] a certain ‘Ethiopian’ (black man) from

the military numerus, with a wide reputation as a buffoon, and

always noted for his jokes, met him with a garland made from

cypress-boughs. When ordered that the man should be removed

from his presence, in a rage, being upset by the man’s colour and the

ill-omened nature of his garland, the man is said to have called out,

as a joke: ‘You have overthrown all things, conquered all things,

now be a conquering god!’ When he reached the town and wanted

to make sacrifice, by a mistake on the part of the rustic soothsayer, in

the first place he was taken to the temple of Bellona, and then the

sacrificial victims that were provided were black. Then, when he had

abandoned the sacrifice in disgust, and had withdrawn to the Palace,

through the attendants’ carelessness the black victims followed him

right up to its doors.

The story could be easily rejected as a feeble concoction. But curiously

enough, at the fort of Aballava (Burgh-by-stands), west of Luguvalium

(Carlisle) on Hadrian’s Wall, the garrison in the third century included a

numerus Maurorum, a unit of Moors, which could well have had black

soldiers in its ranks. That Septimius should have used Aballava as a mansio

is perfectly plausible. The fort guarded two important fords across the

Solway and the marching-camp at Kirkpatrick shows that the western route

was used at this time by the army. As for the shrine of Bellona, a dedication

to the goddess has been found at the fort of Maglona (Old Carlisle) some

ten miles away. The town may have been Luguvalium itself, although

Eboracum might seem likelier, in view of the mention of a ‘Palace’.24

The HA’s anecdote, feeble or not, has the merit of locating Septimius

apud vallum.

UTHER'S AND SEVERUS'S TWO CAMPAIGNS IN SCOTLAND or The Litter-Borne King

The "Against Armed Tribes" Reconstruction of the LAC Stone

Severan Campaigns Overlaid with the Arthurian Battles of the HISTORIA BRITTONUM

Over the last few months I've been becoming more and more convinced that the legendary Arthur who supposedly belongs to the 5th-6th centuries is actually a displaced reference to the early 3rd century L. Artorius Castus.  Several blog posts have been written on this idea (not new! - although my approach is), starting with a proposed reading for the Castus memorial stone which allows for us to have this Roman officer leading legions to the North under Severus.

I've already alluded to what appear to be some interesting coincidences in the sources.  Some links concerning these follow:

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2022/08/the-galfridian-uther-in-northern-britain.html?m=1

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2022/08/the-galfridian-uther-in-northern-britain.html?m=1

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2025/02/two-lupi-two-severi-mechanism-by-which.html?m=1

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2017/10/julian-dragon-and-his-draco-standard.html?m=1

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2018/10/complete-published-text-of-arthur-of.html?m=1

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2025/04/was-i-wrong-about-uthers-mount-damen-or.html?m=1

Several things really stand out for me. First, the Arthurian battles of the HB, discounting Badon, all seem to accord really well with what we know of Castus and the Severan campaigns.  Second, the Arthurian tradition on more than one front involves both the Maeatae (Irish Miathi) and the Caledonii - the two tribal confederacies against which Severus fought.  Third, the Tribruit battle seems to be the Trajectus at North Queensferry associated with Severus's son, Caracalla, who was on the expedition with the emperor.  Fourth, Uther is carried on a litter during his northern wars, just as was the case with Severus. [Granted, there were other known leaders who were conveyed in this manner during battles.  I have written about the first know occurrence of this motif, one that features Augustus.  There was also a count in 9th century Brittany whose name somewhat resembles the Pascent of Vortigern's family.  But none of the other litter-borne entities fought in the North of Britain.] Fifth, in the 5th century hagiography we have St. Germanus first go to Britain with a certain Lupus, and then on his second foray with a Severus. The saint quite improbably commands the British army in a famous battle.  Lupus was the name of the governor under Severus when troubles started with the Northern tribes.  And, of course, Caracalla would later assume the title of Germanicus.  Sixth, the Camlan battle of the Annales Cambriae appears to be a chronologically shifted reference to Arthur of Dyfed and does not involve an otherwise mysterious predecessor of the same name. This along with the claimed death of Arthur of Dalriada while fighting the Miathi (!) does not help us establish the existence of a 5th-6th century prototype for our hero. 

But I had totally forgotten that Uther's Northern wars are distinctly devided into two phases - something which again mirrors what happened with Severus.  When we take out the Ygerna interlude, we have Uther starting his rule at York.  Obviously, this was the headquarters of Severus during the Roman period.

After York, Uther goes to Mount Damen, which I have recently identified as the mountain of the Damnonii.  Hence Alclud then appearing in the story.  The Caledonii were immediately north of Strathclyde. 

For the second campaign, Uther goes to Albany to assist Lothian, the old Votadini/Gododdin kingdom.  The Maeatae/Miathi were immediately to the west of Lothian.  St. Albans is a blunder on Geoffrey's part or an intentional alteration; it signifies that Uther actually died in Albany, i.e. Scotland.  We know this because Picts are involved and it is safe to say there were no Picts in St. Albans.  Yes, Severus died at York, but he was planning more action in the Scotland when that happened.

I really see no reason to keep fighting what seems to be the inevitable conclusion to my Arthurian research: the Irish-descended dynasties in Britain took the name Arthur in the 6th and subsequent centuries of the Dark Ages because it had achieved truly legendary - one might say mythological - status among the British of the North. Yet the man upon which the legend was based was not British.  Castus was Roman.  And we see the same Irish families "white-washing" their early pedigrees by substituting Roman names for Irish ones. The 3rd century leader of legions to the North in only a few centuries had become a sort of savior figure and so he was put to good propagandist use as war-leader who had vanquished the invading Saxons.  

Before I suggested ARM.GENTES for the Castus inscription, we could not build a good case for Arthur originating with Castus.  Why?  Because we needed a man who had made himself remembered in Britain.  And to be remembered he had to be a part of something like the Severan campaigns against the Northern tribes.  

 

Coming Soon: UTHER'S AND SEVERUS'S TWO CAMPAIGNS IN SCOTLAND or The Litter-Borne King

Medraut Unveiled at Last or Camlan and Arthur of Dyfed

            Tomen Y Mur Roman Fort

For decades now, I've stubbornly clung to my derivation of the W. name Medraut from the Latin Moderatus. This proposed etymology had the stamp of approval from none other than Professor Oliver J. Padel.

I've only recently come to realize that I'm only partially right.

Yes, Geoffrey of Monmouth's Modred, picked up from extreme southern Cornwall, does indeed appear to be from Moderatus.  Although place-name scholars insist on a very similar name preserved at Moddershall in Staffordshire as being of English origin.

The Welsh, however, insist on giving precedence to their own form of the name. They are not happy about the Cornish scholar Padel's suggestion that Modr- was simply related by the Welsh to their word medr. 

Instead, as Dr. Simon Rodway prefers, Medraut is, rsther transparently, from W. Medr plus the suffix -awd.  The meaning of the name, in his opinion, means "Skilful vel sim."

Here is medr and medrus from the GPC:

medr1 

[?cf. Gal. mataris ‘gwaywffon’, Gr. μέτρον ‘mesur’] 

eg. ll. (diw.) medrau.

a Deheurwydd sy’n deillio o hyfforddiant neu o brofiad, sgìl, hyfedredd mewn crefft neu gelfyddyd neilltuol, medrusrwydd, gallu:

skill, proficiency, ability, capacity. 

medrus 

[medr1+-us] 

a. ll. medrusion.

Celfydd, cywrain, deheuig, hyfedr, galluog, clyfar; moesgar, cwrtais, boneddigaidd, da ei foes, llednais, gweddaidd, ffurfiol, cywir:

skilful, dexterous, deft, adroit, able, clever; well-mannered, courteous, polite, well-behaved, decorous, formal, correct. 

Hence, Medraut is "the Skilful One" or similar.

Such a meaning got me to thinking about the Welsh god Lleu Llaw Gyffes.

Gyffes or cyffes is defined as follows in the GPC:

cyffes2 

[?cyffes < *cyf-hes < Clt. *kobo-sed-to-, sef cyfansoddair o’r gwr. *kob- ‘llwyddo’ (a welir yn yr e. prs. Gal. Vercobius a’r H. Wydd. cob ‘buggugoliaeth’) a ff. ar y gwr. *sed- ‘eistedd, aros’] 

a.

Parod, celfydd, medrus, deheuig, cywrain, cyfarwydd:

ready, skilful, adroit, dexterous, proficient, conversant. 

I also recalled a number of other curious facts about Lleu. When Gwydion in MATH SON OF MATHONWY tricks Arianrhod into giving the boy a name, she proclaims -

Ys llaw gyfes y medrwys y Lleu ef lit. 'It is a skilful hand (llaw gyffes) by which the fair one (lleu) strikes (medrwys).'

Medrwys is from the same medr:

medraf: medru 

[bf. o’r e. medr1] 

to hit, strike, shoots

We also find this listing in the GPC:

llawgyffes 

[llaw1+cyffes2] 

a.

Medrus ei law, deheuig:

deft(-handed), dextrous, adroit. 

Submit

14g. WM 9714-15, ys llaw gyffes y medrwys y lleu ef.

Digwydd fel epithet yn yr e. prs. Lleu Llawgyffes.

The Irish cognate to Lleu is Lugh. He was a god of every skill. Two if his epithets, with definitions culled from the eDIL:

Samildánach

Samildánach as n. pr.: oglaech . . . Samhildánach a ainm-side, RC xii 74 § 53 `skilled in many arts together', 

ildánach very gifted, skilled, accomplished, having many gifts or accomplishments (frequently used as subst.) 

The Afon Gamlan, which the Welsh identify with Arthur's Camlan, is actually quite close to where the god Lleu had his chief fort and where he died. 

In addition, the ancient hero Pryderi of Dyfed, in a battle with Gwydion of Gwynedd, perished in the same area.

I was looking at the Roman road that ran south from Lleu's Tomen Y Mur fort and noticed that it either crossed the Afon Gamlan or ran past the mouth of that river on the other side of the Afon Mawddach.

Before my readers try to anticipate what I'm going to conclude from this, let me quickly say that I'm not suggesting that Medraut the Skilful One should be identified with Lleu. Rather, I'm suggesting that the battle of Arthur and Medraut at the Afon Gamlan should be seen as a heroic parallel of the mythological Pryderi-Gwydion conflict. 

Medraut would, in this case, be a sort of human avatar of Lleu, a chieftain who hailed from Tomen Y Mur or vicinity. He may have had an affinity with Lleu. Arthur is the son of Pedr of Dyfed, anachronistically placed in death at a time that accorded with his supposed victory at GIldas' Badon.

By doing this, the Welsh storytellers succeeded in using the tale of Pryderi and Lleu's foster-father Gwydion as a foreshadowing of the death of Arthur in the same way Old Testament events were utilized as prefiguiring Christ's deeds.

As I have discussed before - 

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2025/05/modredmedrod-son-of-loth-of-lothian.html?m=1

- Medraut was given a Lleu (Loth of Lothian from the eponym for the "fort of Lleu" and Llew, doubtless a mispelling if Lleu) as a father in Geoffrey of Monmouth and in the Welsh version of the Galfridian "history." This is significant in the current context. In Welsh tradition, Lleu ruled Gwynedd. In addition to his chief fortress of Tomen Y Mur, he is associated with Dinas Dinlleu in Arfon.

I would be neglectful if I failed to mention in passing that Gwydion was fighting for Math, a name almost certainly drawn from the Irish word for bear. The Welsh saw in the name Arthur their own arth, 'bear.' Finally, the Afon Gamlan is in Ardudwy Is Artro or Ardudwy 'under [the Afon] Arthro'. While the derivation of Arthro is disputed, it may have been associated with the Arthur name.

One of the Dyffryn Ardudwy chambered tombs is named Arthur's Quoit. There is a strand of medieval tradition that identifies this pkace with Arthur's Avalon (see the second half of this blog: https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2016/08/the-grave-of-king-arthur.html?m=1).

According to CULHWCH AND OLWEN, Uther had kin at Math's fortress of Caer Dathal in Arfon (= Dinas Emrys) and another Welsh source claims Arthur took a wife from there. 

So, was there really a Medraut or should he be seen merely as a conjured character?

Well, there was a long tradition of warfare between Dyfed and Gwynedd. Part of that is enshrined in the MATH SON OF MATHONWY tale. But in the historical period we know that Dyfed took all of Ceredigion from Gwynedd, making it part of the new kingdom of

Seisyllwg.

I feel pretty confident that at least the Arthur of Camlan is Arthur of Dyfed. That is not to say he was properly associated with Badon. Nor do the HISTORIA BRITTONUM battles belong to him.

What we find in the HB is an anachronistically placed series of battles (or at least sites) that belong to L. Artorius Castus. It was this hero who gave his name to the royal sons of Irish-descended dynasties in Britain.

I would call attention to an excellent article written some time ago by Dr. Ken Dark. In this piece, the author explored what could be learned about the famous Arthur by looking at the later Irish examples. 

https://centaur.reading.ac.uk/84001/1/RMS-2000-04_K._Dark%2C_A_Famous_Arthur_in_the_Sixth_Century.pdf

Dark's conclusion regarding Castus is apt, given that he was going by information I now believe to be false:

"The alternative derivation of !he name from the Roman family

name 'Artorius' has serious problems. 'Artorius' is not an attested

Romano-British name, a1!hough it was, as is well-known, !hat of an

early Roman officer in Britain, Artorius Castus. Artorius Castus

definitely served in Britain, but most of his career was spent elsewhere

and he was not a high ranking officer when stationed at York. Nor is

he known to have done any!hing exceptional which is likely to have

made him revered by Britons as a hero. His only notable act in the

later 'Celtic' world was perhaps, and even !his is uncertain, to

command Roman forces in Armorica in 198. However, he was dead

and buried by about 200, and no trace of !he name' Artorius' is found

bereafter in Britain (althougb there were plenty of Artorii in the

Balk~s and Italy) until Arthur son of Pedr/Retheoir in the 570s.22

Consequently, despite the recent explication of bis career by Linda

Malcor, we may doubt whether he can be the basis of the later

Arthurian legend. This would require some memory of him being

preserved for almost 400 years before we have any trace of it and, as

already mentioned, there is no reason why he should have been any

more notable than any other middle-ranking Roman officer. But

without Artorius Castus there no Artorii known from Roman Britain

at all."

Note that Dark could have concluded the same thing had he opted for Armenia rather than Armorica.

As for Castus' rank, I would dispute the claim it was low. As an equestrian, his status as prefect of a legion represented the highest rank he would in ordinary circumstances be able to achieve. 

If we then allow for Castus having taken three British legions north against armed tribes under Severus, the other part of Dark's negative argument also collapses.

THE DISCOVERY OF THE ANCIENT PICTISH KINGDOM OF CIRCINN

White Caterthun Hillfort with Artist Reconstruction
(Courtesy https://topofly.blogspot.com/2014/10/white-caterthun-hillfort-work-in.html)

Tigernach Annals Year Entry752.4

Cath Asreith in terra Circin inter Pictones inuicem, in quo cecidit Bruidhi mac Maelchon.

Where is Asreith?  Find that place and we solve the riddle of Circin(n)'s location.  How?

Well, we know from the Second Life of St. Patrick that Fordoun in Strathmore was in Mag Gerginn.  Unfortunately, the difference in spelling between Circinn and Gerginn has caused considerable debate.  So much so that some scholars have sought to distinguish the two place-names and have attempted to place them in different locations.  The best recent example of such an attempt is that of Dr. Nicholas Evans at The University of Aberdeen.  His study may be read here:

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/uhgi34he3u2lb26soybtk/Evans-Circin-and-Mag-Gerginn.pdf?rlkey=d3l9apzzmvqx774n7bwk193f7&e=1&st=9srxsbdq&dl=0

I've always thought that the two names were, in fact, the same name, merely variant spellings.  But noted Brittonic place-name expert Alan James thinks otherwise.  He holds to Watson's opinion on the names, believing not that they are variant spellings, but due to scribal substitution of similar appearing/sounding names:

https://archive.org/stream/historyofcelticp0000unse/historyofcelticp0000unse_djvu.txt

We may now take the districts separately. Cirech means

in Gaelic, ‘ crested,’ from cir, a comb, a crest ; Crus mac

Cirig, ‘Crus, son of Cirech,’ was the chief warrior of the

Cruithnigh.?, In the Pictish Chronicle the name is given

as Circinn and Circin, which is the genitive of Circenn,

‘Crest-headed’ (P.S., p. 4), and this corresponds to some of

the other old forms : Cath Chirchind, ‘ battle of Circhenn ’

(Tighern., 596); cath Maigi Circin, ‘battle of the plain of

Circen’ (YBL fes., 192 b 30) ; Magh Circinn i nAlbain (Mac

Firbis—Hogan). Alongside of these we have a form Gergenn :

Koganacht maigi Dergind (read Gergind) i nAlbae, ‘ the

1 Skene, P.S., p. 186. There are other variations. 2 Ib., p. 41.

TERRITORIAL DIVISIONS 109

Koganacht of the plain of Gergenn in Scotland’ (Rawl.,

B 502, 148); Eoganacht maigi Gergind i nAlpae (LL 319) ;

Koganacht maige Gerrghind a nAlbain (BB 172 b 4); Eo-

ghanacht mhuighe Geirrghinn (Keating, ii. 386); Cairbre

Cruthneachan a Muigh-gearrain, ‘Cairbre C. from Magh-

gearrain’ (Celt. Scot., iii. 475); defunctus est Palladius in

Campo Girgin in loco qui dicitur Fordun (Colgan). The

fact that Fordun was in ‘ the plain of Girgen’ shows that

Girgen was the name of the Mearns or rather that the

Mearns was in Girgen.

We have thus three forms of the name—Cirech, Circhenn,

Ger(r)genn, of which the first two go together. The last

form, Gerrgenn, suggests comparison with the Irish name

Gerrchenn, ‘ Short-head.’ In the Tain Bo Cualnge a man

of this name appears as father of the warrior Muinremur,

‘Thick-neck,’ who is styled Muinremur mac Gerrchinn,

with variants—all in the genitive—Gerginn, Gercinn,

Gerrcinn, Hirrginn, Erreinn; and nominative Cergend.

There is also Gerrchenn mac [lladain, with variants Gerchenn,

Gerrgen, Cerrcen, and, in the genitive, Gerrce, Errge.1_ Here

‘Cerrcen’ seems to be owing to confusion with the name

Cerrchenn, ‘Wry-head’ (Tighern., A.D. 662). This com-

parison leaves little doubt that the Irish writers who used

the form Mag Gergind, etc., understood it as ‘ Gerrchenn’s

Plain.” With regard to the other forms, the first 7 of

Cirig is long, and if as I have assumed, Circinn is the

genitive of Circhenn, ‘ Crest-headed,’ with its first 7 also

long, it is difficult, if not impossible, to correlate it with

Gerginn. 

But if I were to prove this correct, I needed an Asreith somewhere in the vicinity of Fordoun.  This seemed a futile quest.

That is, until I seemed to recall that in medieval Irish MSS. r could often be miscopied as s.  I put this question to Professor Jurgen Uhlich, an expert in such matters.  When asked if this happened, his response was:

"Yes, all the time basically! Especially when a Continental scribe was ignorant of Irish and the Irish script variety."

With that possibility in mind, I created a form ARRETH (as Asreith was in the genitive).  Suddenly, I had a place-name that looked a lot more Gaelic.  Of course, as Alan James pointed out, there could be a problem with a Gaelic name in Strathmore in the early period.  "Gaelic wasn’t being spoken, still less naming places, in Angus before 600."  But, the Tigernach Asreith battle is dated in the 8th century, and we know Fordoun of the Second Life of Patrick is a Gaelic name.  It is also possible that a Gaelic name was substituted at a later date for an earlier Pictish one, perhaps even one with a similar or idential meaning.

"It's a difficult business, and I certainly don't claim to be within my depth with it. It's similar to the controversies around Nechtansmere/ Dunnichen (which may or may not have been in the same neck of the woods). Battles and other events mentioned in the Irish Annals and other early sources at places with apparently Gaelic names, but seemingly in locations where we wouldn't expect that language to have been current, and even less likely to have established place-names, at the time of the event. It's a problem that historians seem to me to skate over, but I'm reluctant to say anything firmly - there was a lot going on that's not at all easy to explain from the scanty documentary evidence, and as onomastic research and archaeology progress, the problem only seems to become more complicated."

However, proceeding with a hypothetical Arreth, it didn't take me long to find a viable candidate for Asreith: Arrat near Brechin.  

https://fife-placenames.glasgow.ac.uk/placename/?id=1069

A couple of different etymologies are offered for this place, but James finds one the most likely: 

"I think the Arraty Burn [in Fife] is probably different, so there's only one *Airecht. But I don't think that's so improbable, as a name for what shows every sign of being an ancient territory that might well have been a territory governed by an assembly of heads of leading families (cf. DIL definitions). The only problem is, that it would presumably have had a different name in Pictish; it probably wouldn't have acquired a Gaelic one as early as ca.600, ca.750 would still be interestingly early, but perhaps."

Arrat is only 20 kilometers as the crow flies from Fordoun to the north.

If Arrat is Asreth, then Circinn = Mag Gerginn, and the latter would definitely be the ancient Gaelic name for Strathmore.  

By, if so, why the Circinn name?  What is that a reference to?

The etymology of Circinn is not really in doubt.  It means 'Crest(ed?)-head'.  One tends to think of some geological formation, like a hill or headland that has a crest-like summit, perhaps formed of a spine of crags.

It was only when I noticed the proximity of the Caterthun forts (to both Arrat and Fordoun) that I realized the 'crest' in question might well have been a man-made one.

The double fort complex at the Caterhuns represents one of the largest and most impressive such sites in Scotland.  White Caterhun, especially, is noteworthy.  Its very high walls were made of a whitish stone and the various ramparts would have been surmounted by palisades.  Seen from a distance this would have resembled a crest on the rounded hilltop.  I would propose that this fort represents the crest of Circinn.

https://canmore.org.uk/site/35007/white-caterthun

https://canmore.org.uk/site/34969/brown-caterthun

Alan James' response to this idea was succinct, but encouraging:

"I think you can make a reasonable case."

And so here I am, doing so!

The question remains as to how far the Kingdom of Circinn extended.  Natural boundaries are often important in such cases, and as the Caterthuns are approximately at the midpoint of Strathmore, I would suggest that the kingdom was composed of Strathmore itself.

Strathmore

"Strathmore (The Great Glen) forms a wide valley between the southern Grampians and the Sidlaw Hills, extending from Perth in the southwest to Stonehaven in the northeast and including the districts in the northeast known as the Mearns and the Howe of Angus.

Its principal rivers are the Tay, Isla, Dean Water, North Esk and South Esk.

It is approximately 50 miles (80 km) long and 10 miles (16 km) wide. Strathmore is underlain by Old Red Sandstone but this is largely obscured by glacial till, sands and gravels deposited during the ice age."

https://visitangus.com/things-to-see-do/attractions/valley-of-strathmore/

Before concluding, I should point out that the Roman fort of Stracathro was very near to Arrat.

Stracathro Roman Fort

Kair House Roman camp, just on the opposite of the Bervie Water from Fordoun, is believed to have been built by Severus (according to Simon Elliott), and we know of that emperor's presence at Ardoch on the south end of Strathmore.  Thus we can be sure his forces were in the heartland of Circinn, although as yet archaeology has not confirmed this for us.

This fact may be important for Arthurian Studies.  I have suggested that the Miathi of both the Dalriadan Artur and of the HISTORIA BRITTONUM Arthur (Bassas battle) and the Caledonian Wood battle of the latter may be reflections of the ghost of L. Artorius Castus, a man who might well have led legionary forces in the North under Severus.  As the Severan campaign was against both the Maeatae and the Caledonii, the Tigernach reference to Artur son of Aedan's death in Circinn - where action against the Roman period Caledonii would certainly have been undertaken - in my opinion bolsters the likelihood that we are looking at Roman battles in the Arthurian tradition.  Not Dark Ages ones.  

Note:  I've been asked if Arthur's City of the Legion might not be York, but the legionary fortress of Inchtuthil.  I would answer no.  To quote from Simon Elliott's SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS IN SCOTLAND: THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGNS OF THE FIRST HAMMER OF THE SCOTS:

"The fortress at Inchtuthil was occupied for only a short time, being evacuated in AD 86/87. It was never reused, even during the Severan incursions in the third century..."

Coming Soon: THE DISCOVERY OF THE ANCIENT PICTISH KINGDOM OF CIRCINN

White Caterthun hillfort as seen from Brown Caterthun

White Caterthun

For a long time now scholars have tried to figure out precisely where the ancient Pictish kingdom of Circinn lay.  Their efforts have proven fruitless.

Although Circinn appears multiple times in the sources, its true location or extent is only revealed in two instances.  First, we learn that Fordoun in Strathmore, Aberdeenshire, was in Mag Gerginn.  Not particularly helpful, as there is an ongoing debate as to whether Circinn = Gerginn or whether these two names should be seen as different places.  Second, an 8th century battle in Circinn is said to occur at a site named Asreith, an utterly opaque name that no one has successfully identified.

In a future article I will discuss my candidate for Asreith, one which will indicate that Circinn and Gerginn may, in fact, be the same kingdom.  Furthermore, my Asreith candidate will allow me to pinpoint exactly what Circinn itself was as well as describe the extent of the plain (mag) it controlled. 

The importance of Circinn for Arthurian research concerns the Irish Annals of Tigernach entry on the death of Artur son of Aedan in Circinn.  This entry is contradicted by Adamnan's Life of St. Columba, in which Artur is said to perish fighting the Miathi.  

RECONSTRUCTION OF THE PROPOSED READING FOR THE L. ARTORIUS CASTUS LACUNA

Once again, the /G/ for GENTE was taken from the line immediately below the line of the lacuna.  My measurement shows that this line is of exactly the same width as the line above it.

The /E/ plus triple ligature NTE was taken from the end of the same line, where we have CENTE.

The resulting reading would require an interpunct between the /M/ and the /G/.  The inscription has quite a few interpuncts, and we can see one between the /S/ and the following ARM of the lacuna.

The sense of ARM.GENTES would be "arm(atas) gentes" or "armed tribes."  Given the Arthurian battles as I have arranged them on the map, and the presence of the Caledonian Wood and the Maeatae/Miathi in both the HB and in the tradition regarding the Dalriadan Arthur, my best guess for the tribes in question are the Caledonii and Maeatae confederacies.  These tribal groups were subject to two intensive, large-scale campaigns by the Emperor Severus.

Once Severus had died and Caracalla took over, the northern campaign was put to an end.  Caracalla had to deal with new Germanic invasions north of Rome and it would have been at this time that Castus was appointed procurator of Liburnia with the right of the sword.  

This reading and the chronology of the Severan campaign in Britain fits the age estimate for the Castus inscription according to Benet Salway and Abigail Graham, as well as other epigraphers.

As Castus was prefect of the Sixth Legion, a legion based at York whose task was to guard the North, reference to armed tribes is unlikely to refer to conflict in any other part of Britain.  In addition, had the said tribes been outside of Britain Castus would have told us so.  

MODRED/MEDROD THE SON OF LOTH OF LOTHIAN: ANOTHER ARGUMENT IN FAVOR OF A MAEATAE/MIATHI CONNECTION FOR CAMLAN

[I've detected some weird things about the Camlann entry of c. 537 in the AC. First, that the Mawdd place-name of the Camlans in NW Wales appears to have the same semantic meaning as the main element of the Maeatae tribal name.

In the Irish Annals, the Dalriadan king Comgall son of Domangart dies in 537. The same death notice is found in 545, where Tigernach links it with the plague in Ireland. That reference to plague is in the Camlan year entry.

A later Domangart is said to be brother to Artur of Dalriada and in Tigernach falls in battle with Artur.

A St. Comgall appears with Columba in Adamnan (who mentions Artur's death fighting the Miathi). They visit each other after the latter has seen Aedan father of Artur. The meeting place is Cambus or "river bend" on the River Bann in NE Ireland.

There are Cambus place-names on the pronounced loops of the River Forth right below Dumyat, the "Fort of the Miathi."

Thus it seems to me that there is something very fishy going on with the Camlan entry. It looks more and more like a temporally displaced reference to Artur of Dalriada against the Miathi.

Oh - and if Bassas of the HB Arthur is Dunipace by Arthur's Oven and between the 2 Miathi forts - within only a couple kilometers of Myot Hill, in fact -  then add another "coincidence."]

While no one should rely on Geoffrey of Monmouth for anything historical, in treating of Camlan of the ANNALES CAMBRIAE recently I totally neglected to mention that Modred (= W. Medraut) was said to be the son of the eponymous ruler of Lothian.  

Lothian, part of the old Votadini kingdom, bordered on the lands of the Maeatae/Miathi (see 

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2025/02/the-discovery-of-maeatae.html). [1]

Cambus ('river-bend') is right below Dumyat, the Fort of the Miathi, on the River Forth.  Just a little west on the Forth, closer to Stirling, is Cambuskenneth.  The Forth meanders in large, pronounced loops at this point in its course. 

This spot, rather than Geoffrey's Camblam in extreme SW Britain in Cornwall or the Camlans in NW Wales, makes sense in the context of a personage hailing from Lothian. 

From https://www.library.wales/fileadmin/docs_gwefan/new_structure/discover/digital_exhibitions/printed_material/welsh_classical_dictionary/07_H-LL.pdf:

LOTH. (Fictitious). A British king mentioned by Geoffrey of Monmouth as an elder contempoary of Arthur. He first appears as ‘Loth of Lodonesia [Lodoneis] ... a most valiant soldier, mature in wisdom and age’ to whom Uther in his last illness entrusted the British army in its wars against the Saxons, Octa and Eosa. He was married to Anna daughter of Uther (HRB VIII.21). He was brother to Urianus [Urien], king of Mureif [Rheged], and to Auguselus [Arawn], king of the Scots. Arthur, after his victories in Scotland, restored the three brothers to their respective kingdoms. By Anna, the sister of Arthur, Loth was the father of Gualguanus [Gwalchnmai] and Modred [Medrod] (HRB IX.9). Loth was the nephew of Sichelinus (or Sichelmus), king of the Norwegians [of Llychlyn], who had appointed Loth to succeed him on his death. But when Sichelin died the Norwegians refused to accept Loth and advanced Riculfus to the sovereignty instead. Thereupon Arthur conquered Norway and Dacia [Denmarc] and established Loth upon the Norwegian throne (IX.11). Loth is mentioned again as king of Norway, who came to Arthur's special coronation (IX.12). The authors of Brut y Brenhinedd consistently mis-name Geoffrey's Loth ‘Llew ap Cynfarch’, who, like Urien, could not have been a contemporary of Arthur. See s.n. Llew ap Cynfarch. Other corresponding names in the Brut are shown in [ ]. Loth was evidently intended to be the eponym of Lothian, which is elsewhere apparently represented by Lleuddun Luyddog (q.v.). See TYP p.422. But the authors of the Brut did not recognize the fact. 

ARTHURIAN ROMANCE Chrétien de Troyes mentions him only as a name, king Lot, in Erec et Enide, and as father of Gawain in Yvain. In the ‘Vulgate’ Merlin and Merlin-continuation he is described as Loth or Lot, king of Orcanie. His wife, the sister of Arthur, is variously named in these romances. See s.n. Morgen. In the ‘Estoire’ of the ‘Vulgate’ cycle he is given a pedigree which makes him son of Hector, a descendant of Pierre, who was a kinsman of Joseph of Arimathea (Sommer I.280). The genealogy was copied by John of Glastonbury in Historia de Rebus Glastoniensibus, ed. Thomas Hearne, 1726, pp.56 and 73. 

SCOTTISH FICTIONS John Fordun in his Scotichronicon (c.1385), III.24, said that Loth, lord of Laudonia, was descended from Fulgentius. This Fulgentius is mentioned in II.31, evidently copying HRB V.2. See s.n. Sulien (1). Later Fordun (III.25) accused Geoffrey of Monmouth of inconsistency in making Loth's wife Anna to be a sister of Aurelius Ambrosius [not Arthur], while he describes Gualguanus and Modred, sons of Loth, as Arthur's nephews (HRB X.4, X.2); but Fordun misinterpreted sororem ipsius in HRB IX.9, where ‘ipsius’ refers to Arthur not Aurelius Ambrosius. Hector Boece made the same mistake in his Scotorum Historia (1527). He called Lothus a king of the Picts, who married Anna, a sister of Aurelius Ambrosius, by whom he was the father of Modred, Valuane [Gawain], and Thametes or Thenew (IX.5). Thenew became the mother of St.Mungo [i.e. Kentigern] (IX.13). By this, Boece is seen to be identifying Loth with Lleuddun Luyddog, whose daughter Denw was the mother of Kentigern according to Bonedd y Saint. John Major had anticipated Boece in this respect (Historia Maioris Britanniae, 1521, fos.28v-29). 

Also from Bartrum on Lleuddun, the eponym for Lothian:

LLEUDDUN LUYDDOG. (500) The anonymous fragmentary Life of St.Kentigern, says (§1) ‘A certain king, Leudonus, from which the province over which he ruled obtained the name Leudonia had a daughter ... Thaney.’ She became the mother of Kentigern [Cyndeyrn Garthwys]. Leudonus, described as half-pagan, was killed by his swineherd. The place where he was buried was marked by a stone about one mile south of Dunpelder (§7). See below. See further s.n. Denw. In the earliest version of Bonedd y Saint his name is spelt Lewdwn lluydawc and it is very variable in the later manuscripts, but Lleuddun is the preferred modern spelling. He was of Dinas Eidyn and was the father of Denw (wife of Owain and mother of Cyndeyrn Garthwys), Tenoi (wife of Dingad and mother of Lleuddad and others), and Peren (wife of Bugi and mother of Beuno) (ByS §§14, 18. 30 in EWGT pp.56, 57, 59). He is evidently the same as Ludun mentioned in the Life of St.Kea as father of that saint, and Lidin in the genealogy of St.Gurtheirn. His place of burial is said to be Dunpender Law in East Lothian (LBS III.375). Lleuddun's seat was Traprain Law, then named Dunpelder, an isolated hill in Haddingtonshire, four miles east of Haddington which is 18 miles east of Edinburgh (DNB s.n. Kentigern). If he also possessed Dinas Eidyn [Edinburgh] it is likely enough that the whole province belonged to him (H.M.Chadwick, Early Scotland, p.146). It is from Lleuddun that Lleuddunion [Lothian] receives its name. Welsh sources do not give him any parentage. As eponym of Lothian he equates with Loth of Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia Regum Britanniae. Geoffrey says that Loth was a brother of Urien (HRB IX.9), i.e. Urien ap Cynfarch. This is chronologically possible and suggests that Lleuddun was perhaps a son of Cynfarch (PCB). Except for this doubtful point, however, Geoffrey seems to have had no authentic information about Lleuddun/Loth. For example he wrongly makes Urien and Loth elder contemporaries of Arthur. For this reason Loth is dealt with under another heading. See s.n. Loth.

Entry for Lothian in John Koch's CELTIC CULTURE: A HISTORICAL ENCYCLOPEDIA:

Lothian is a region of south-east Scotland (Alba).

In the present (post-1995) system of regional authorities

West Lothian, Mid Lothian, and East Lothian

(Scottish Gaelic Lodainn an Iar, Meadhan Lodainn,

Lodainn an Ear) make up a compact urbanized area

south of the Firth of Forth and either side of the

Scottish capital and south-eastern metropolis of

Edinburgh (Dùn Èideann). In the Middle Ages,

Lothian referred to a larger territory, which extended

from the present English border at the river Tweed

and Cheviot hills, to Stirling in the north-west, as well as

including Edinburgh itself. As a region suiting a prosperous

mix of pastoralism and arable agriculture,

this greater Lothian was naturally the richest and

probably the most densely populated area of preindustrial

Scotland. It is also historically the most

deeply Anglicized. As Jackson proposed, Anglian

Bernicia (Brynaich) under Oswald probably took

over Lothian as a result of obsesio Etin (the siege of

Edinburgh), noted in some annals at 638. The

evidence of Scottish place-names suggests a fairly

substantial Anglo-Saxon settlement in the area and contrastingly

slight Gaelic and Scandinavian influence.

Lothian was never ruled by the Norse. Thus, Lothian

may be characterized as the cradle of the non-Gaelic

Anglian Scots culture of the Scottish Lowlands. A

system of local organization in shires, as in England,

prevailed there in the central Middle Ages, and Lothian

has tended to represent a standard Scottish identity in

modern times, figuring centrally, for example, in the

influential fiction of Sir Walter Scott.

Nonetheless, Lothian is of interest to Celtic

studies for several reasons. First, prior to 638 it had

formed part of the northern Brythonic kingdom of

Gododdin. Brythonic place-names are as thick on

the ground there as anywhere outside Wales (Cymru),

Cornwall (Kernow), or Brittany (Breizh), indicating

a high level of survival and a less than overwhelming

Anglian settlement. The hagiography of the Celtic

St Kentigern of Glasgow (Glaschu) looks back to

Brythonic Lothian as his home country. It should also

be borne in mind that King Oswald himself and the

7th-century church of Bernicia were heavily influenced

by Gaelic culture by way of the island monastery of

Iona (Eilean Ì) and the cult of its founder, St Colum

Cille. The Bernician grip on Lothian was not all

that strong and seems to have been partly rolled back

in the north-west after the great Pictish victory of

Nechtanesmere in 685. A Pictish symbol stone found

at Edinburgh and a scatter of place-names of Pictish

type in Lothian may date to this period.

Northumbrian power never fully recovered. The

powerful Viking kingdom of York (867–954) stood

on what had been southern Northumbria (Deira/

Dewr), cutting off Lothian from Anglo-Saxon

England and setting the stage for permanent annexation

by Gaelic Scotland to the north after Viking power

waned. During the reign of King Illulb (Indulf, 954–

62) Edinburgh was occupied by the Scots. In 973 the

Anglo-Saxon King Edgar received the homage of

Cinaed mac Mael Choluim (Kenneth II of

Scotland) and granted Lothian in return, which was

probably merely a confirmation of the current political

reality. Scottish control over the region was permanently

consolidated at the battle of Carham on the Tweed in

1018, where Mael Coluim mac Cinaeda (Malcolm

II), with allies from Strathclyde (Ystrad Clud),

defeated the Northumbrian Earl Uhtred. While these

events brought Lothian under the Gaelic dynasty and

aristocracy of Alba and imparted an enduring Scottish

identity, the Gaelic language gained little ground there,

and Lothian’s cultural importance within Scotland

proved an important factor in the spreading de-

Gaelicization of subsequent centuries.

The name Lothian, attested as Welsh Lleuddiniawn,

is of Celtic origin, from *Luguduniana‘the country

of the fort of [the god] Lugus’; see further Lleu;

Lugudunon.

[1]

The account given in the Welsh version of Geoffrey, the Brut y Brenhinedd, substitutes for Loth one Llew [literally 'Lion', but probably an error for Lleu] ap CYNFARCH OER ap MEIRCHION GUL, father also of Urien of Rheged.  Such a geographical fix transfers Medraut/Modred from the Antonine Wall to that of Hadrian - to the very region where we find the Camboglanna Roman fort. Llew/Lleu may point to Carlisle, ancient Luguvalium, the "Lugus-strong" fort rather than the personal name that had once been proposed for the site.

Once again, there is nothing here for a Medraut in the South.  

ON CHOOSING L. ARTORIUS CASTUS

Reposting these two pieces. I've decided I can no longer hold to the belief that a Dark Age British Arthur died at Camlan. Instead, I now view the Camlan battle as a conjured annal entry based on a folk memory of Roman warfare against the Maeatae - a conflict which also intruded on Dalriadan tradition (the Miathi of Adamnan).

The Dunipace/Bassas battle of Arthur, directly between the two Miathi forts and near the Roman period monument of Arthur's Oven, is part of the same legendary development. This is confirmed by the presence in the HB list of the Caledonian Wood. 

The Severan dating of the L. Artorius Castus stone, and my reading of "armed tribes" for its lacuna, confirms that Castus may well have led legionary forces under Severus against the Maeatae and Caledonian confederacies. In the words of Simon Elliot, author of Septimius Severus in Scotland, the expeditions of that emperor secured "peace in the north of the islands of Britain for four generations."

For those who maintain that Castus of the third century could not have been remembered in the 5th or 6th, I say that they have a very poor understanding of the lasting power of myth and heroic legend. A Roman officer with a name the native population connected with their own word for bear ('arth'), who led a massive force on a devastating campaign against the northern tribes, may well have achieved a heroic status sufficient for a later age to mine that tradition when searching for a great champion against the Saxons. The mere fact that the HB author padded out the Arthurian battle list by adding several Dubglas actions so that Arthur could have a proper Herculean 12 engagements is proof enough of this claim.

Professor Nicholas Higham (who does not see any historical value in the HB's Arthurian chapter) recently told me the following:

"The HB's author made up several British hero figures who he used to demonstrate the Britons were courageous and good at bashing foreigners. The best way to understand his technique is to focus on Dolabella/um, who is obviously a straight lift out of Roman history, specifically from Orosius, but who he converted to a British general fighting Caesar. Historical nonsense but of considerable propaganda value in 829."

If the author could do that, and concoct or relate other stories (like that of Ambrosius Aurelianus), then he could use Castus in the same way.

For awhile I was tripped up by the death of Artur/Arthur fighting the Miathi (as Castus died in Dalmatia), but as the Irish accounts differ, providing the Dalriadan Arthur with a death in Circenn as well, and as Medraut is the Roman name Moderatus, I no longer see any reason to allow the Camlan entry for 537 to influence my decision regarding Castus.

Badon, as I've already remarked, looks to have been an event in southern England. Arthur's name became attached to it simply because he was famous and Gildas made the battle of his own birthday famous.

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2025/02/camlan-as-folk-relocation-of-dalriadan.html?m=1

https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2025/05/is-camlan-entry-in-annales-cambriae-hoax.html?m=1