Roman Empire at the Time of Commodus
I have seen it often expressed on Arthurian sites (and in books!) that L. Artorius Castus could not have taken troops to Armorica, "as there was nothing going on there in the 2nd century." [And, yes, that is one author's exact quote.] As it happens, this is utterly untrue.
Evidence in recent decades has accumulated which strongly suggests the outbreak of the so-called Deserters' War during the reign of Commodus happened in Gallia Lugdunensis, a province of the Roman Empire that contained Armorica. For those who have not studied this event, I include the following extensive selection from the best modern treatment of the war. I have also pasted below the rough Google translation of Picard's study, which delves into matters such as archaeology to pinpoint the theaters of action. His conclusion is especially valuable, as Armorica itself is singled out for treatment.
When we take studies such as these into account, we cannot help but admit that the best reading for the fragmentary ARM[...]S of the L. Artorius Castus memorial stone is ARMORICOS. As I have shown, the word easily and properly fits in the space alotted (https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2021/06/the-lucius-artorius-castus-stone-with_14.html).
Armorica was right acorss the Channel from Britain, while Armenia (if one chooses to adopt the ARMENIOS reading for ARM[...]S) is very far away indeed. My analysis of British vexillations on the Continent and beyond (see https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2022/12/vexillations-sent-from-britain-to-fight.html) revealed that other than a proposed Armenia expedition, the two other most distant postings for British vexillations were Carnuntum in Austria and Sirmium in Serbia.
Ironically, Dr. Linda A. Malcor for many years remained fast in her belief that Armorica was where LAC took his troops. She only changed her mind with the publication of “Missing Pieces: A New Reading of the Main Lucius Artorius Castus Inscription”, Journal of Indo-European Studies, Volume 47, 2019, pp. 415-437, by Linda A. Malcor, Antonio Trinchese and Alessandro Faggiani. Because she wished to convert the Sixth Legion prefect into a provincial governor, she decided ARM[...]S should be rendered as ARMATOS, 'armed men.' As has been discussed by myself and many other much more qualified people, ARMATOS is not an acceptable substitute for either ARMENIOS or ARMORICOS.
I remain convinced - unless contrary evidence is miraculously discovered - that LAC took his troops to Armorica. Not only because it makes sense in the context of the studies I am citing, but because the only known movement of what equates perfectly to three British legionary detachments in the period we are considering are the 1500 spearmen who are involved with the sending of a deputation to Rome.
Returning to the case of Maternus and his brigands, it was in the
territories of Gallia Lugdunensis, and, more precisely, in Lyon and Autun
(Augustodunum), that two inscriptions dedicated to two Roman soldiers
were found. They lost their lives at the hands of the local ‘latrones’ and
their death took place probably in the second half of the 2nd century AD,
at the time when the criminal activity was carried out by Maternus and
his company. Therefore, it cannot be completely ruled out that it was at
their hands that the two soldiers – although in two different places and
at different times – could lose their lives (a latronibus interfecti). They
were one Tertius and one Ianuarius [D]osenu(s) who, as has been already
mentioned, served in the Roman army. And while the commemoration
of the former was taken care of by his siblings, brother Tertius Mascellio
and sister Tertia Primilla, then in the case of the legionary (legio XXII
Primigenia) nothing can be determined since the text of the inscription
is damaged33. Abovementioned Tertius was killed when he was 33 years
old, during the fifteenth year of his service, which at the same time
suggests that be became a soldier when he was 18 years old. It is possible
that the unit in which he was given a chance to serve was an urban
cohort (cohors urbana) from Lyon. Also Ianuarius [D]osenus, although
he was a soldier of the XXII Primigenia legion – and not of the XXII
Deiotariana, as was suggested by Rada Varga and Annamária-Izabella
Pázsint – died as a legionary during the confrontation with the criminals.
Alfredo Buonopane pointed out that even though the content of both of
these tomb inscriptions of the abovementioned soldiers did not allow to
unambiguously state whether they could have been ambushed during
the journey or had lost their lives participating in some sort of an action
organised against the brigands34, both epitaphs were the only testimonies
referring to a fight of the Roman soldiers against the ‘latrones’ and, at
that, directly in the area of Gaul in the second half of the 2nd century
AD...
Therefore, in the following months of AD 185 and AD 186 coordinated
military activities aimed at Maternus and his ‘deserters’ were probably
taking place52, in which not only the soldiers of the VIII ‘Augusta’ legion,
commanded by Marcus Iuventius Caesianus (legatus legionis VIII
Augustae), but also legionaries from other units were partaking. For
participating in this operation Commodus would grant these legions the
right to titles which referred to: ‘Pia’ (pious) – ‘Fidelis’ (loyal) – Commoda(ae/
ianae) (of Commodus). Amongst these units was also the XXII ‘Primigenia’
legion which stationed in Mainz (Moguntiacum). It was commanded by
Quintus Aurelius Polus Terentianus (legatus legionis XXII Pr(imigeniae)
P(iae) F(idelis)). From this legion came Ianuarius [D]osenu(s), who has
already been mentioned, and who died at the hands of the ‘latrones’.
Amongst other soldiers and officers participating in the operation against
the ‘deserters’ were also T(itus) Fl(avius) Vitalis and Sextilius P[…]. They
both served as centurions. What is more, they could have been also joint
by the legionaries from the legion I ‘Minervia’ which stationed in Bonn
(Bonna). Amongst the soldiers of the latter unit one Vettius Rufinus (V[e]
ttius Rufi/nus), as a centurion, commanded a subdivision of the military
police (statores) from two legions. Melius Gervinus and Titus Glavius
Hospitalis who represented this unit were also of a rank of centurions.
Furthermore, soldiers from the XXX legion ‘Ulpia Victrix’ stationing in
Xanten could probably also have participated in fighting Maternus and his
‘deserters’. Importantly, it cannot be ruled out that these 1500 legionaries
from Britannia who came over to Italy in order to deal with Perennis could
also be sent to the operation of suppressing the rebellion of Maternus’
‘deserters’. [1] Finally, the task of fighting against them (or quite literally:
capturing them) in the territories of Gaul (Lugdunensis, Aquitania) was
also given to Caius Pescennius Niger, whom Commodus had appointed
(the turn of AD 186 and AD 187) as an independent commander (legatus
contra rebelles) of this operation. More importantly, as it turned out, he
succeeded in fulfilling his task. Perhaps Tertius mentioned before, who
was killed by the ‘latrones’ near Lyon, could have been somehow linked
as a soldier with the operation commanded by Perscennius Niger53.
Supervision over war operation against Maternus’ deserters in Upper
Germania – but perhaps also in Raetia – was held by Marcus Helvius [Cle]
mens Dextrianus (legatus Augusti pro praetorae provinciae Germaniae
superioris). On the other hand, a unit assigned from the legion VII ‘Gemina
Felix’, stationing in León, could have operated in the Iberian Peninsula,
in the strip of the Pyrenees, fighting the ‘deserters’. This subdivision was
commanded by a centurion, Iunius Victor54.
And thus, a mass offensive of the Roman troops, carried out
simultaneously in the territories of a few provinces, let to encircling and
breaking up the largest groups of the deserters. The heaviest fights could
perhaps end already in August of AD 186. In the following months that
same year, practically until spring of AD 187, the Romans will pursue
Maternus and his remaining companions. In the case of the ‘deserters’
who had been taken prisoners, their sentencing started already in August
AD 186. For a proper conduct of judicature, is was a key matter to separate
the authentic ‘deserters’ from people who had been arrested randomly
by soldiers. And then in the group of the ‘deserters’, it was important
to separate the Romans from all those who did not have the Roman
citizenship. The task of verifying the socio-judicial status of the prisoners
could most likely be given to the officers of lower ranks, deployed by the
supervisors who had the right to condemn people to death (ius gladii). After
making the division into the so-called ‘nostri’, i.e. the Roman citizens, and
‘reliqui’ – ‘peregrine’, and ‘dediticii’, who came from the provinces, the
courts of law could be started, during which the Romans were judged in
accordance with ‘lex de rapina’, i.e. regulations regarding plunder with
the use of force (rapina) and robbery/banditry (latrocinium). In relation to
people of a different status – exempting, of course, those who were proven
to be actively involved in violence – financial penalties were imposed55
[1] This is made all that more plausible when we accept the very real possibility that the account of all 1500 British soldiers going to Rome is a confusion on the author's part. I have offered before a good explanation for what might really have transpired (https://mistshadows.blogspot.com/2023/02/reconciling-l-artorius-castus.html), i.e. the 1500 went to Armorica to fight the deserters, while an escort was detached from it to take either the deposed senators or their delegates to Rome.
PICARD'S THE REVOLT OF MATERNUS (ROUGH GOOGLE TRANSLATION)
An article by Gilbert-Charles Picard on Lucius Artorius Castus and the Deserters' War (from https://www.persee.fr/doc/bsnaf_0081-1181_1987_num_1985_1_9135). Note that 'Brittany' in this translation stands for 'Britain.'
For another article touching on important points for Armorica during the same time period, see
https://www.persee.fr/doc/crai_0065-0536_1982_num_126_3_13972
La République des Pictons
Picard, Gilbert-Charles
Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres Année 1982 126-3 pp. 532-559
I have pasted the material on LAC from this article at the bottom of this post.
For an excellent English language book treating of the Maternus revolt in good detail, see "Bandits in the Roman Empire: Myth and Reality" by Thomas Grunewald, Routledge 2004. Here are pp. 130-131 of that work:
G. PICARD. -
La révolte de Maternus
M. Gilbert Picard
Bulletin de la Société nationale des Antiquaires de France Année 1987 1985 pp. 77-84
THE MATERNUS REVOLT
77
Session of March 20.
Mr. Gilbert Picard, m. r., presents a communication entitled: The Revolt of Maternus.
An almost unshakable historical tradition strives to minimize the catastrophes which hit the Roman Empire during the reign of Marcus Aurelius. If the first rupture of the limes could not be hidden in 167, almost all the authors since those of the History of Augustus have endeavored to reduce the severity of secondary wars or internal revolts, or to delay them in order to place the responsibility on Commode. One of the causes of the stagnation of studies is certainly the excessive specialization of research, too few historians and Latinists keeping themselves sufficiently aware of archaeological and epigraphic discoveries, which are almost alone likely to enrich our documentation; and too few archaeologists, who rightly strive to practice an increasingly precise technique, strive to achieve or make possible a historical interpretation of their discoveries.
Fortunately recent works escape these faults and renew our knowledge of this crucial period for the Empire that were the last ten years of the unhappy philosopher prince: for example UArmorique Romaine by P. Gal-liou 1, Miss Walter's thesis on the Porte Noire by Besançon 2, the various works by G. Bauchhenss on the Columns of Jupiter in Germany3, and various more limited research which I will cite below.
The starting point of the crisis was the break in 167 of the Danubian limes by the Quades and the Marcomans, who had been, since the fall of the kingdom of Maroboduus, peaceful neighbors and
1. P. Galliou, L'Armorique romaine, Braspars, 1983, p. 243-245.
2. H. Walter, La Porte Noire de Besançon, Besancon, 1985, p. 366-367.
3. C. S. I. R., Deutschland, II, 2, Germania Superior, Die grosse Iuppitersäule auf Mainz; II, 3, Denkmäler des Iuppiters Kultes aus Mainz, Mainz, 1984. These works are based on the previous works of G. Bauchenss, with whom we generally agree, except on two important points. We maintain, with P.-M. Duval, that the oldest pillar of Jupiter known is that of the nautical figures of Paris, and therefore we do not think that the Column of Nero, original variant of the series, could have given birth to it. On the other hand, we almost entirely share the sentiment of G. Bauchenss on the meaning of the columns, a monument of imperial loyalty.
MARCH 20
even friendly of the Romans 4. The breach was obstructed, and from 169 the Romans resumed the offensive. But the repercussions of the initial, extremely deadly defeat in an Empire already weakened by the plague were severe and lasting, and were felt in almost every province except a few preserved regions, such as Africa and Asia proconsulates. It was particularly widespread and serious in Gaul.
In Poitou, very important destructions were observed in Poitiers itself5, in the ficus of Vieux Poitiers8 located at the confluence of the Clain and the Vienne, in the Tours Mirandes7, concilia-bulum located thirty kilometers north of Poitiers, and on many other sites in Vienna and southern Deux-Sèvres. The date of the destruction of Old Poitiers had been fixed by MM. Fritsch and Olivier towards the middle of the century. But G. Nicolini, head of the Regional Antiquities until 1982, and his successor, Mr. Papinot, kindly told us that this chronology could be lowered by about a quarter of a century. In Poitiers, the findings of G. Nicolini had been questioned by J. Hiernard8. The work of the III National Congress of Scholarly Societies, held in Poitiers in April 1986, definitively proved that Limonum had suffered, especially at the site of its forum (now Place Charles de Gaulle), extremely serious violence, with fire. of several buildings, which may be dated to about 180.
In the Loir-et-Cher, the flourishing artisanal vicus of Tasciaca (Pouillé-Thésée) was, says Claude Bourgeois who directed the excavation, destroyed at the end of the century. In Armorica, P. Galliou9 notes that the invasion of 166-167 opens a long troubled period. Several establishments were abandoned in the last years of the second century, especially in Finistère. Galliou rightly reconciles these findings with the funeral inscription of L. Artorius Castus, found in Yugoslavia at Stobrez; this Dalmatian officer, after being a centurion in Syria
4. CE. for the support given by their kings to the expedition sent by Nero to the Baltic, J. Kolendo, In Search of the Baltic Amber, Studia Antiqua of the University of Warsaw, 1981.
5. G. Nicolini, Gallia 35, 1977, 2, p. 383.
6. A. Ollivier and R. Fritsch, Archeologia 163, February 1982, p. 52 ff.
7. G. -Ch. Picard, C. R. A. 1982, p. 555.
8. Ancient Poitiers, in History of Poitiers directed by R. Favreau, 1985.
9. Open cit., p. 243 ff.
G. PICARD. -
THE REVOLT OF MATERNUS
79
and in Dacia, primipile, commander of the fleet of Misene, was appointed prefect of the VIth Victrix legion at Eburacum, and duke of two legions of Brittany sent against the Armoricans l0. H. -G. Pflaum11 had rightly seen that "this appointment of a career officer to such an important position contradicts all the rules of the military hierarchy in honor of the 11th century," and attributed the responsibility to Perennis. In fact, there was a more general problem: until Trajan a number of young senators had devoted themselves to a military career, and had learned the trade, like Trajan himself and Hadrian, by multiplying their years. of service as tribunes. The affair of the four consuls had begun to discredit these military viri, and Antonin and Marcus Aurelius had been seen very clear without any serious military aptitude, such as L. Attedius Cornelianus or M. Sedatius Severianus promoted to high command, while that officers trying to restore discipline, such as Avidius Cassius, were treated with suspicion. After the catastrophic results obtained under Marcus Aurelius, Perennis tried to apply the remedy that was to prevail in the second third of the middle century: the creation of a corps of generals out of rank. It was prevented by a senatorial reaction so violent that it brought about its downfall. To constitute the real army entrusted to Artorius Castus, it was necessary to draw two legions from the troops of Brittany. This reclamation was so important that it enabled the barbarians of Scotland to take down the wall of Antonin, in 182 l2. The Armorian revolt was therefore a very serious affair, and it was not only a few rebellious brigands or peasants who challenged the Roman order. Here we find confirmation of the account that Herodian tells of the revolt of Maternus 13; the Alexandrian historian assures that the rebels made raids until Spain, which obviously places the epicenter of their movement in West Gaul. The inscription of Ar-torius speaks on the other hand of Armoricans, term which applies to all the coastal peoples between the Loire and the Seine. Certainly
10. Dessau, I. L. S., 2770; A. R. Birley, Soldier and civilian in Roman Yorkshire, 1971, p. 95 it. 80; G. Alföldy, Bellum desertorum, Bonn. Jahrb. 71, 1971, p. 367-376, n. 33.
11. Procuratorian careers, I, p. 535 ff., N ° 196.
12. D. Divine, The North-West frontier of Rome, London, 1969, p. 200-201.
13. I, 10, 3. See C. R. A. /., 1982, p. 555 ff.
80
MARCH 20
On the other hand, identify the revolt of Maternus with the bellum desertorum of which the Augustan Story speaks about the wonders that occurred under Commodus: the sky ignited before the deserters' war! One could hastily conclude that this war only started under Marc's son. But one can only speak of bellum from the moment when units of the regular army are engaged, and consequently after the arrival of Artorius Castus and his forces. Now the account of Herodian clearly indicates that it was decided to appeal to the legions only after the militias in the cities had shown their powerlessness and that important cities, capitals of republics, had been plundered. The intervention of troops from Brittany brought a new argument in favor of locating the epicenter of the movement in north-west Gaul. Admittedly G. Alföldy showed that an inscription of Urbino mentions, in 185, the siege of Stras¬ bourg defended against the deserters by the legion VIIIe Augusta lS. But this event was very clearly after the operation led by Artorius Castus; at that time (185) Maternus was in the process of making its "long march" to Italy, most probably across Limousin, the Massif Central and the Alps. Part of his troops must have deemed it less risky to flee to Germany, and it was in the process that they attacked Strasbourg.
At the same time relates the mission of Pescennius Niger in Gaul; the life of Niger in V Histoire Auguste teaches us that this extraordinary mission was contemporaneous with the legation of Septime Sévère in Lyonnaise (185 or 186 to 189) l6. Its purpose was to rid Gaul of the innumerable deserters which ravaged it then. It is quite understandable that it was deemed necessary, on the one hand, to constitute in the provinces without garrison of the Hairy Gaul an independent force, without having to weaken the armies of the limes; on the other hand, to allow the chief of this force to operate in all the provinces, without being hampered by the administrative limits, which certainly had a lot to do with the development of the insurgency, the deserters moving with extreme mobility. We therefore see no reason to consider, with G. Alföldy, this
14. S. H. Α., Commodus, 16, 2.
15. C. I. L., XI, 6053; G. Alföldy, I. I., p. 370, p. 19.
16. S. H. Α., Niger, 3, 3-5; Alföldy, l, l., P. 369, n. 12.
G. PICARD. - THE MATERNUS REVOLT
81
passage of the History Auguste like an invention of the editor intended to fill a hole in its documentation.
The fundamental problem remains: how could Gaul have been, during the initial five or six years of the reign of Commodus, submerged by a crowd of deserters, to whom were obviously added "jacques" and common criminals, but who were organized with military discipline, by chiefs who had obviously received strategic training? The only possible cause is obviously a defeat of the Roman armies having led to the disarray of important units of auxiliaries and even of legionaries, including the executives. However such defeats occurred under the reign of Marc Aurèle, in 166-167, and until 169. The Roman losses were terrible, even in the high command. Thereafter, the situation recovered, and the fighting generally moved east.
The internal repercussions of these events are manifested for the most part in 173: revolt of the Boucoloi, suppressed by Avidius Cassius in Egypt in 172-173 17. In 173 also, the Moors attacked, reaching as far as Beticia18.
The traces of troubles in Gaul in this period are numerous; we have indicated above those relating to the west. Had in Seine-Maritime, on the territory of Ambiens, a notable is in charge of a praefectura arcendis latrociniis l9. The troubles among the Séquanes, the only ones reported for the reign of Marc by Yliis-toire Auguste 20, seem to have justified the construction of the Besançon arch. This monument of exceptional importance celebrating, not a particular victory, but the general pacification of the Empire, is commensurate with the gravity of the dangers run 21. It has for counterpart, on the western side, the pillar of Yzeures, with the Turons, but at the limit of the Pictons22, and on their territory, at Saint-Jacques de Montauban in the Deux-Sèvres, a group of riders with an anguiped standing just at the limit of what we might call the “Picton Desert” 23: the part of the
17. P. Petit, Roman peace, p. 86.
18. Finally, E. Frezouls, Ant. Afr., 16, 1980, p. 65 ss.
19. M. Mangard, Gallia 40, 1982, 1, p. 42 ff.
20. S. H. Α., Marcus; cf. H. Walter, l. L, p. 368-369.
21. H. Walter, p. 384 ff.
22. Gallia 35, 1977, 1, p. 99 ff.
23. Mr. É. F. R. A. 93, 1981, 2, p. 901, fig. 2; erroneously given as coming from Poitiers.
ANT. BULLETIN -1985
6
82
MARCH 20
Armorican Massif constituting the north of Deux-Sèvres and the east of Vendée, which is empty of Roman monuments.
It was the existence of this vast area, poorly controlled by the authorities and whose inhabitants should have felt only unfriendly towards the people of Haut Poitou, which allowed the grouping of deserters whose some may have originated there; located at the limit of the provinces of Aquitaine and Lyonnaise, it allowed them, by crossing the Loire, to easily evade possible prosecutions. It is not besides soiled reason that will develop there the revolt of the Ba-gaudes, without speaking about more recent jacqueries and uprisings. It obviously took a long time for Maternus to become a little brigand chief a real insurgent general. This slow maturation of the revolt seems to us to have been very well described by Hérodien for whom we do not share the severity of G. Alföldy; we had already noted that for the African revolt of 238, the Alexandrian historian was very well informed24. We can only confirm this judgment about the events of Gaul, which Auguste History on the contrary downplayed to the extreme, out of sympathy for the philosopher emperor.
We do not find it unnecessary to conclude by summarizing numerous and complex facts. From 167, many soldiers and officers of the legions and auxiliaries tested by the German offensive deserted and sought refuge at the ends of the Empire, in the far west of Gaul, especially in the "Pict desert". Little by little, taking advantage of the consensus of the local populations, they began to organize raids against the nearest Romanized centers. A leader was essential, who organized an effective tactic, based on extreme mobility, and certainly using above all the cavalry, which made it possible to strike very far, as far as Spain. Simultaneously unrest broke out in the north and east; towards the end of the reign of Marc Aurèle, the insecurity is general in all Gaul Hairy and threatens even to gain Spain. In 179 or 180, Maternus decided to take a big hit on Limonum, the capital of Aquitaine; he took control of the city center, set fire to a number of buildings and withdrew, after having released the prisoners from the prison he incorporated. Convenient then gets angry, and attacks the magistrates of the city
24. Civitas Mactaritana (Karthago, VIII, 1960), p. 000.
G. PICARD. - THE MATERNUS REVOLT 83
in principle responsible for the order. As a sanction, Limonum loses its rank of capital. But Perennis realizes that serious military intervention is needed. Rather than draw the necessary troops from the Rhine, he preferred to call on the army of Brittany. An officer out of the ranks, Artorius Castus, is in charge of an extraordinary command. His army, comprising almost two legions, was easily victorious, no doubt near the estuary of the Loire. But the clarissims protested violently against an innovation which deposed them with one of their essential prerogatives. On the other hand the barbarians of Scotland take advantage of the departure of a part of the troops to bring down the wall of Antonin; the British troops transported to Gaul show their dissatisfaction and do not hesitate to march on Rome, where Perennis is deposed and put to death. However, the defeat dissolved the army of Maternus; himself with a few faithful will attempt a desperate coup on Rome, while other rebels try to gain Germany, attacking the Argentoratum passage where the VIIIth Augusta victoriously resists. Finally Cléandre, the new prefect of the praetorium, entrusted Pescennius Niger with extraordinary command; in conjunction with energetic provincial legates, he managed to pacify the Gauls.
Mr. André Ghastagnol, m. r., note that Mr. Picard uses a certain number of texts which are not always guaranteed. As for the inscription of Bois-Labbé, it is not dated precisely, and, as for its reading, the word latro remains very random in its entirety and its restitution.
With his prudence, associates Mr. François Braemer, m. r., as regards the date and the significance of the various fragments of sculpted monuments, several of which (notably the fragments of Yzeures and Paris) pose problems which, to this day and despite appearances, do not unanimously and have not yet been resolved, because they are based on the agreement between iconographic considerations and technical data.
Mr. Joël Le Gall, m. r., asks if this is not the time when the posts of beneficiarii multiply.
Mr. Gilbert Picard, m. r., evokes on this subject the monument of Maraudi, in Vaison, which passes to appear a chariot of beneficiarius.
Mr. F. Braemer reserves his judgment on the fragments from the Maraudi house, the outline of the ancient parts of which remains to be defined.
Mr. J. Le Gall then specifies that there were Juvenes in Alesia, if we are to believe a fragmentary inscription. Mr. François Chamoux, m. r., recalls that the Juvenes existed in the eastern part of the Empire
and bore the title of ephebes. They are responsible for fighting against external threats: armies or
bandits.
For another article touching on important points for Armorica during the same time period, see
https://www.persee.fr/doc/crai_0065-0536_1982_num_126_3_13972
La République des Pictons
Picard, Gilbert-Charles
Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres Année 1982 126-3 pp. 532-559
I have pasted the material on LAC from this article at the bottom of this post.
For an excellent English language book treating of the Maternus revolt in good detail, see "Bandits in the Roman Empire: Myth and Reality" by Thomas Grunewald, Routledge 2004. Here are pp. 130-131 of that work:
***
G. PICARD. -
La révolte de Maternus
M. Gilbert Picard
Bulletin de la Société nationale des Antiquaires de France Année 1987 1985 pp. 77-84
THE MATERNUS REVOLT
77
Session of March 20.
Mr. Gilbert Picard, m. r., presents a communication entitled: The Revolt of Maternus.
An almost unshakable historical tradition strives to minimize the catastrophes which hit the Roman Empire during the reign of Marcus Aurelius. If the first rupture of the limes could not be hidden in 167, almost all the authors since those of the History of Augustus have endeavored to reduce the severity of secondary wars or internal revolts, or to delay them in order to place the responsibility on Commode. One of the causes of the stagnation of studies is certainly the excessive specialization of research, too few historians and Latinists keeping themselves sufficiently aware of archaeological and epigraphic discoveries, which are almost alone likely to enrich our documentation; and too few archaeologists, who rightly strive to practice an increasingly precise technique, strive to achieve or make possible a historical interpretation of their discoveries.
Fortunately recent works escape these faults and renew our knowledge of this crucial period for the Empire that were the last ten years of the unhappy philosopher prince: for example UArmorique Romaine by P. Gal-liou 1, Miss Walter's thesis on the Porte Noire by Besançon 2, the various works by G. Bauchhenss on the Columns of Jupiter in Germany3, and various more limited research which I will cite below.
The starting point of the crisis was the break in 167 of the Danubian limes by the Quades and the Marcomans, who had been, since the fall of the kingdom of Maroboduus, peaceful neighbors and
1. P. Galliou, L'Armorique romaine, Braspars, 1983, p. 243-245.
2. H. Walter, La Porte Noire de Besançon, Besancon, 1985, p. 366-367.
3. C. S. I. R., Deutschland, II, 2, Germania Superior, Die grosse Iuppitersäule auf Mainz; II, 3, Denkmäler des Iuppiters Kultes aus Mainz, Mainz, 1984. These works are based on the previous works of G. Bauchenss, with whom we generally agree, except on two important points. We maintain, with P.-M. Duval, that the oldest pillar of Jupiter known is that of the nautical figures of Paris, and therefore we do not think that the Column of Nero, original variant of the series, could have given birth to it. On the other hand, we almost entirely share the sentiment of G. Bauchenss on the meaning of the columns, a monument of imperial loyalty.
MARCH 20
even friendly of the Romans 4. The breach was obstructed, and from 169 the Romans resumed the offensive. But the repercussions of the initial, extremely deadly defeat in an Empire already weakened by the plague were severe and lasting, and were felt in almost every province except a few preserved regions, such as Africa and Asia proconsulates. It was particularly widespread and serious in Gaul.
In Poitou, very important destructions were observed in Poitiers itself5, in the ficus of Vieux Poitiers8 located at the confluence of the Clain and the Vienne, in the Tours Mirandes7, concilia-bulum located thirty kilometers north of Poitiers, and on many other sites in Vienna and southern Deux-Sèvres. The date of the destruction of Old Poitiers had been fixed by MM. Fritsch and Olivier towards the middle of the century. But G. Nicolini, head of the Regional Antiquities until 1982, and his successor, Mr. Papinot, kindly told us that this chronology could be lowered by about a quarter of a century. In Poitiers, the findings of G. Nicolini had been questioned by J. Hiernard8. The work of the III National Congress of Scholarly Societies, held in Poitiers in April 1986, definitively proved that Limonum had suffered, especially at the site of its forum (now Place Charles de Gaulle), extremely serious violence, with fire. of several buildings, which may be dated to about 180.
In the Loir-et-Cher, the flourishing artisanal vicus of Tasciaca (Pouillé-Thésée) was, says Claude Bourgeois who directed the excavation, destroyed at the end of the century. In Armorica, P. Galliou9 notes that the invasion of 166-167 opens a long troubled period. Several establishments were abandoned in the last years of the second century, especially in Finistère. Galliou rightly reconciles these findings with the funeral inscription of L. Artorius Castus, found in Yugoslavia at Stobrez; this Dalmatian officer, after being a centurion in Syria
4. CE. for the support given by their kings to the expedition sent by Nero to the Baltic, J. Kolendo, In Search of the Baltic Amber, Studia Antiqua of the University of Warsaw, 1981.
5. G. Nicolini, Gallia 35, 1977, 2, p. 383.
6. A. Ollivier and R. Fritsch, Archeologia 163, February 1982, p. 52 ff.
7. G. -Ch. Picard, C. R. A. 1982, p. 555.
8. Ancient Poitiers, in History of Poitiers directed by R. Favreau, 1985.
9. Open cit., p. 243 ff.
G. PICARD. -
THE REVOLT OF MATERNUS
79
and in Dacia, primipile, commander of the fleet of Misene, was appointed prefect of the VIth Victrix legion at Eburacum, and duke of two legions of Brittany sent against the Armoricans l0. H. -G. Pflaum11 had rightly seen that "this appointment of a career officer to such an important position contradicts all the rules of the military hierarchy in honor of the 11th century," and attributed the responsibility to Perennis. In fact, there was a more general problem: until Trajan a number of young senators had devoted themselves to a military career, and had learned the trade, like Trajan himself and Hadrian, by multiplying their years. of service as tribunes. The affair of the four consuls had begun to discredit these military viri, and Antonin and Marcus Aurelius had been seen very clear without any serious military aptitude, such as L. Attedius Cornelianus or M. Sedatius Severianus promoted to high command, while that officers trying to restore discipline, such as Avidius Cassius, were treated with suspicion. After the catastrophic results obtained under Marcus Aurelius, Perennis tried to apply the remedy that was to prevail in the second third of the middle century: the creation of a corps of generals out of rank. It was prevented by a senatorial reaction so violent that it brought about its downfall. To constitute the real army entrusted to Artorius Castus, it was necessary to draw two legions from the troops of Brittany. This reclamation was so important that it enabled the barbarians of Scotland to take down the wall of Antonin, in 182 l2. The Armorian revolt was therefore a very serious affair, and it was not only a few rebellious brigands or peasants who challenged the Roman order. Here we find confirmation of the account that Herodian tells of the revolt of Maternus 13; the Alexandrian historian assures that the rebels made raids until Spain, which obviously places the epicenter of their movement in West Gaul. The inscription of Ar-torius speaks on the other hand of Armoricans, term which applies to all the coastal peoples between the Loire and the Seine. Certainly
10. Dessau, I. L. S., 2770; A. R. Birley, Soldier and civilian in Roman Yorkshire, 1971, p. 95 it. 80; G. Alföldy, Bellum desertorum, Bonn. Jahrb. 71, 1971, p. 367-376, n. 33.
11. Procuratorian careers, I, p. 535 ff., N ° 196.
12. D. Divine, The North-West frontier of Rome, London, 1969, p. 200-201.
13. I, 10, 3. See C. R. A. /., 1982, p. 555 ff.
80
MARCH 20
On the other hand, identify the revolt of Maternus with the bellum desertorum of which the Augustan Story speaks about the wonders that occurred under Commodus: the sky ignited before the deserters' war! One could hastily conclude that this war only started under Marc's son. But one can only speak of bellum from the moment when units of the regular army are engaged, and consequently after the arrival of Artorius Castus and his forces. Now the account of Herodian clearly indicates that it was decided to appeal to the legions only after the militias in the cities had shown their powerlessness and that important cities, capitals of republics, had been plundered. The intervention of troops from Brittany brought a new argument in favor of locating the epicenter of the movement in north-west Gaul. Admittedly G. Alföldy showed that an inscription of Urbino mentions, in 185, the siege of Stras¬ bourg defended against the deserters by the legion VIIIe Augusta lS. But this event was very clearly after the operation led by Artorius Castus; at that time (185) Maternus was in the process of making its "long march" to Italy, most probably across Limousin, the Massif Central and the Alps. Part of his troops must have deemed it less risky to flee to Germany, and it was in the process that they attacked Strasbourg.
At the same time relates the mission of Pescennius Niger in Gaul; the life of Niger in V Histoire Auguste teaches us that this extraordinary mission was contemporaneous with the legation of Septime Sévère in Lyonnaise (185 or 186 to 189) l6. Its purpose was to rid Gaul of the innumerable deserters which ravaged it then. It is quite understandable that it was deemed necessary, on the one hand, to constitute in the provinces without garrison of the Hairy Gaul an independent force, without having to weaken the armies of the limes; on the other hand, to allow the chief of this force to operate in all the provinces, without being hampered by the administrative limits, which certainly had a lot to do with the development of the insurgency, the deserters moving with extreme mobility. We therefore see no reason to consider, with G. Alföldy, this
14. S. H. Α., Commodus, 16, 2.
15. C. I. L., XI, 6053; G. Alföldy, I. I., p. 370, p. 19.
16. S. H. Α., Niger, 3, 3-5; Alföldy, l, l., P. 369, n. 12.
G. PICARD. - THE MATERNUS REVOLT
81
passage of the History Auguste like an invention of the editor intended to fill a hole in its documentation.
The fundamental problem remains: how could Gaul have been, during the initial five or six years of the reign of Commodus, submerged by a crowd of deserters, to whom were obviously added "jacques" and common criminals, but who were organized with military discipline, by chiefs who had obviously received strategic training? The only possible cause is obviously a defeat of the Roman armies having led to the disarray of important units of auxiliaries and even of legionaries, including the executives. However such defeats occurred under the reign of Marc Aurèle, in 166-167, and until 169. The Roman losses were terrible, even in the high command. Thereafter, the situation recovered, and the fighting generally moved east.
The internal repercussions of these events are manifested for the most part in 173: revolt of the Boucoloi, suppressed by Avidius Cassius in Egypt in 172-173 17. In 173 also, the Moors attacked, reaching as far as Beticia18.
The traces of troubles in Gaul in this period are numerous; we have indicated above those relating to the west. Had in Seine-Maritime, on the territory of Ambiens, a notable is in charge of a praefectura arcendis latrociniis l9. The troubles among the Séquanes, the only ones reported for the reign of Marc by Yliis-toire Auguste 20, seem to have justified the construction of the Besançon arch. This monument of exceptional importance celebrating, not a particular victory, but the general pacification of the Empire, is commensurate with the gravity of the dangers run 21. It has for counterpart, on the western side, the pillar of Yzeures, with the Turons, but at the limit of the Pictons22, and on their territory, at Saint-Jacques de Montauban in the Deux-Sèvres, a group of riders with an anguiped standing just at the limit of what we might call the “Picton Desert” 23: the part of the
17. P. Petit, Roman peace, p. 86.
18. Finally, E. Frezouls, Ant. Afr., 16, 1980, p. 65 ss.
19. M. Mangard, Gallia 40, 1982, 1, p. 42 ff.
20. S. H. Α., Marcus; cf. H. Walter, l. L, p. 368-369.
21. H. Walter, p. 384 ff.
22. Gallia 35, 1977, 1, p. 99 ff.
23. Mr. É. F. R. A. 93, 1981, 2, p. 901, fig. 2; erroneously given as coming from Poitiers.
ANT. BULLETIN -1985
6
82
MARCH 20
Armorican Massif constituting the north of Deux-Sèvres and the east of Vendée, which is empty of Roman monuments.
It was the existence of this vast area, poorly controlled by the authorities and whose inhabitants should have felt only unfriendly towards the people of Haut Poitou, which allowed the grouping of deserters whose some may have originated there; located at the limit of the provinces of Aquitaine and Lyonnaise, it allowed them, by crossing the Loire, to easily evade possible prosecutions. It is not besides soiled reason that will develop there the revolt of the Ba-gaudes, without speaking about more recent jacqueries and uprisings. It obviously took a long time for Maternus to become a little brigand chief a real insurgent general. This slow maturation of the revolt seems to us to have been very well described by Hérodien for whom we do not share the severity of G. Alföldy; we had already noted that for the African revolt of 238, the Alexandrian historian was very well informed24. We can only confirm this judgment about the events of Gaul, which Auguste History on the contrary downplayed to the extreme, out of sympathy for the philosopher emperor.
We do not find it unnecessary to conclude by summarizing numerous and complex facts. From 167, many soldiers and officers of the legions and auxiliaries tested by the German offensive deserted and sought refuge at the ends of the Empire, in the far west of Gaul, especially in the "Pict desert". Little by little, taking advantage of the consensus of the local populations, they began to organize raids against the nearest Romanized centers. A leader was essential, who organized an effective tactic, based on extreme mobility, and certainly using above all the cavalry, which made it possible to strike very far, as far as Spain. Simultaneously unrest broke out in the north and east; towards the end of the reign of Marc Aurèle, the insecurity is general in all Gaul Hairy and threatens even to gain Spain. In 179 or 180, Maternus decided to take a big hit on Limonum, the capital of Aquitaine; he took control of the city center, set fire to a number of buildings and withdrew, after having released the prisoners from the prison he incorporated. Convenient then gets angry, and attacks the magistrates of the city
24. Civitas Mactaritana (Karthago, VIII, 1960), p. 000.
G. PICARD. - THE MATERNUS REVOLT 83
in principle responsible for the order. As a sanction, Limonum loses its rank of capital. But Perennis realizes that serious military intervention is needed. Rather than draw the necessary troops from the Rhine, he preferred to call on the army of Brittany. An officer out of the ranks, Artorius Castus, is in charge of an extraordinary command. His army, comprising almost two legions, was easily victorious, no doubt near the estuary of the Loire. But the clarissims protested violently against an innovation which deposed them with one of their essential prerogatives. On the other hand the barbarians of Scotland take advantage of the departure of a part of the troops to bring down the wall of Antonin; the British troops transported to Gaul show their dissatisfaction and do not hesitate to march on Rome, where Perennis is deposed and put to death. However, the defeat dissolved the army of Maternus; himself with a few faithful will attempt a desperate coup on Rome, while other rebels try to gain Germany, attacking the Argentoratum passage where the VIIIth Augusta victoriously resists. Finally Cléandre, the new prefect of the praetorium, entrusted Pescennius Niger with extraordinary command; in conjunction with energetic provincial legates, he managed to pacify the Gauls.
Mr. André Ghastagnol, m. r., note that Mr. Picard uses a certain number of texts which are not always guaranteed. As for the inscription of Bois-Labbé, it is not dated precisely, and, as for its reading, the word latro remains very random in its entirety and its restitution.
With his prudence, associates Mr. François Braemer, m. r., as regards the date and the significance of the various fragments of sculpted monuments, several of which (notably the fragments of Yzeures and Paris) pose problems which, to this day and despite appearances, do not unanimously and have not yet been resolved, because they are based on the agreement between iconographic considerations and technical data.
Mr. Joël Le Gall, m. r., asks if this is not the time when the posts of beneficiarii multiply.
Mr. Gilbert Picard, m. r., evokes on this subject the monument of Maraudi, in Vaison, which passes to appear a chariot of beneficiarius.
Mr. F. Braemer reserves his judgment on the fragments from the Maraudi house, the outline of the ancient parts of which remains to be defined.
Mr. J. Le Gall then specifies that there were Juvenes in Alesia, if we are to believe a fragmentary inscription. Mr. François Chamoux, m. r., recalls that the Juvenes existed in the eastern part of the Empire
and bore the title of ephebes. They are responsible for fighting against external threats: armies or
bandits.
***
And from Picard's second article:
The great disasters that followed soon seemed to confirm the hopes of the disinherited. Maternus, whose name is Gallic, was perhaps originally from the region; in any case he was well received there with his companions, and quickly demonstrated the qualities of a leader; its bands, no doubt mounted, were very mobile, easily escaping from the police force, moreover mediocre, and launching daring raids where we knew how to find dissatisfied; Armorique could easily be lifted and runners crossed the Pyrenees to give hands to the rebellious Cantabres. The vicus of Vieux-Poitiers must have been one of the first important objectives of the brigands. A few years later, emboldened, they dared to attack Limonum itself, of which they were probably not completely masters, but which they burned and pillaged. This provocation could not go unanswered. Commode and his prefect of the courtroom Perennis decided to bring in the army of Brittany. The epitaph of L. Artorius Castus65 tells us that this officer, then prefect of the Sixth Legion, in garrison at Eburacum, was put at the head of an expeditionary force which crossed the Channel. H. G. Pflaum had rightly seen in this promotion to a command of general officer of a former centurion the effect of the policy of Perennis66. But for it to be possible to draw from the army of Brittany large numbers, the Caledonian Urns had to be quiet. However, from 181 or 182 it seems67, the tribes
65. CIL III, 1919 and 14224 = Dessau 2770: D. [M.] L. Artorius Castus, 7 le [g] III Gallicae item 7 leg VI Ferra tae, item 7 leg II Adiu [tricis, i] tem 7 leg VM [a] c, I item p (rimi) pfilus) eiusdem ... praeposito / classis Misenatium ... [pr] a [e] f. leg. VI Victricis, duci leg [ionum duarum] Brittanicimiarum adversus Arm [oricano] s, proc. cente / nario Lib [urniae] iure] gladii, vivus ipse sibi [ex t] est [amenlo].
of the Highlands were going to remove the wall of Antonin, starting a war which was going to throw the Romans on the limes of Hadrian. The insecurity was to last until the end of the reign of Septimius Severus. It is obvious that the expedition of Artorius Castus can only be prior to the Caledonian attack: we would not have cleared a threatened border. It is undoubtedly even the news of the departure of important forces for Gaul which incited the barbarians to the offensive. We must therefore date the suppression of the uprising of 181 at the latest. Assuredly Herodian tells of Maternus' attempt to assassinate Commodus after the fall of Perennis; but it certainly took a long time for the outlaws, after having suffered the shock of the legions in Armorica, to return to the Pictish bocage, infiltrate from there into the Massif Central, cross the Rhône and the Alps. Thus this revolt appears to be much more than a news item; as E. A. Thompson and P. Galliou clearly saw, it foreshadows the movements of the Bagaudes. We can add on the other hand that it prolongs, after several centuries, the enterprise of Dumnacus and the revolt of 21. Certainly it should not be imagined as a generalized revolution, but rather as a series of daring helping hands . Poitiers was the only major city seriously affected; the cities of Armorica were able to protect themselves by early fortifications. The fact remains that at the time of the death of Marcus Aurelius, almost entire Gaul was in turmoil. This context must obviously be taken into account in order to understand the persecution of the Christians of Lyon and the senatus-consulte of 177 on the games.
.png)
